Further Reading, Other Development, and Coming Events (20 and 21 January 2021)

Further Reading

  • Amazon’s Ring Neighbors app exposed users’ precise locations and home addresses” By Zack Whittaker — Tech Crunch. Again Amazon’s home security platform suffers problems by way of users data being exposed or less than protected.
  • Harassment of Chinese dissidents was warning signal on disinformation” By Shawna Chen and Bethany Allen-Ebrahimian — Axios. In an example of how malicious online activities can spill into the real world as a number of Chinese dissidents were set upon by protestors.
  • How Social Media’s Obsession with Scale Supercharged Disinformation” By Joan Donovan — Harvard Business Review. Companies like Facebook and Twitter emphasized scale over safety in trying to grow as quickly as possible. This lead to a proliferation of fake accounts and proved welcome ground for the seeds of misinformation.
  • The Moderation War Is Coming to Spotify, Substack, and Clubhouse” By Alex Kantrowitz — OneZero. The same issues with objectionable and abusive content plaguing Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and others will almost certainly become an issue for the newer platforms, and in fact already are.
  • Mexican president mounts campaign against social media bans” By Mark Stevenson — The Associated Press. The leftist President of Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is vowing to lead international efforts to stop social media companies from censoring what he considers free speech. Whether this materializes into something substantial is not clear.
  • As Trump Clashes With Big Tech, China’s Censored Internet Takes His Side” By Li Yuan — The New York Times. The government in Beijing is framing the ban of former President Donald Trump after the attempted insurrection by social media platforms as proof there is no untrammeled freedom of speech. This position helps bolster the oppressive policing of online content the People’s Republic of China (PRC) wages against its citizens. And quite separately many Chinese people (or what appear to be actual people) are questioning what is often deemed the censoring of Trump in the United States (U.S.), a nation ostensibly committed to free speech. There is also widespread misunderstanding about the First Amendment rights of social media platforms not to host content with which they disagree and the power of platforms to make such determinations without fear that the U.S. government will punish them as is often the case in the PRC.
  • Trump admin slams China’s Huawei, halting shipments from Intel, others – sources” By Karen Freifeld and Alexandra Alper — Reuters. On its way out of the proverbial door, the Trump Administration delivered parting shots to Huawei and the People’s Republic of China by revoking one license and denying others to sell the PRC tech giant semiconductors. Whether the Biden Administration will reverse or stand by these actions remains to be seen. The companies, including Intel, could appeal. Additionally, there are an estimated $400 million worth of applications for similar licenses pending at the Department of Commerce that are now the domain of the new regime in Washington. It is too early to discern how the Biden Administration will maintain or modify Trump Administration policy towards the PRC.
  • Behind a Secret Deal Between Google and Facebook” By Daisuke Wakabayashi and Tiffany Hsu — The New York Times. The newspaper got its hands on an unredacted copy of the antitrust suit Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and other attorneys general filed against Google, and it has details on the deal Facebook and Google allegedly struck to divide the online advertising world. Not only did Facebook ditch an effort launched by publishers to defeat Google’s overwhelming advantages in online advertising bidding, it joined Google’s rival effort with a guarantee that it would win a specified number of bids and more time to bid on ads. Google and Facebook naturally deny any wrongdoing.
  • Biden and Trump Voters Were Exposed to Radically Different Coverage of the Capitol Riot on Facebook” By Colin Lecher and Jon Keegan — The Markup. Using a tool on browsers the organization pays Facebook users to have, the Markup can track the type of material they see in their feed. Facebook’s algorithm fed people material about the 6 January 2021 attempted insurrection based on their political views. Many have pointed out that this very dynamic creates filter bubbles that poison democracy and public discourse.
  • Banning Trump won’t fix social media: 10 ideas to rebuild our broken internet – by experts” By Julia Carrie Wong — The Guardian. There are some fascinating proposals in this piece that could help address the problems of social media.
  • Misinformation dropped dramatically the week after Twitter banned Trump and some allies” By Elizabeth Dwoskin and Craig Timberg — The Washington Post. Research showed that lies, misinformation, and disinformation about election fraud dropped by three-quarters after former President Donald Trump was banned from Twitter and other platforms. Other research showed that a small group of conservatives were responsible for up to 20% of misinformation on this and other conspiracies.
  • This Was WhatsApp’s Plan All Along” By Shoshana Wodinsky — Gizmodo. This piece does a great job of breaking down into plain English the proposed changes to terms of service on WhatsApp that so enraged users that competitors Signal and Telegram have seen record-breaking downloads. Basically, it is all about reaping advertising dollars for Facebook through businesses and third-party partners using user data from business-related communications. Incidentally, WhatsApp has delayed changes until March because of the pushback.
  • Brussels eclipsed as EU countries roll out their own tech rules” By By Laura Kayali and Mark Scott — Politico EU. The European Union (EU) had a hard-enough task in trying to reach final language on a Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act without nations like France, Germany, Poland, and others picking and choosing text from draft bills and enacting them into law. Brussels is not happy with this trend.

Other Developments

  • Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Chair Joseph J. Simons announced his resignation from the FTC effective on 29 January 2021 in keeping with tradition and past practice. This resignation clears the way for President Joe Biden to name the chair of the FTC, and along with FTC Commissioner Rohit Chopra’s nomination to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), the incoming President will get to nominate two Democratic FTC Commissioners, tipping the political balance of the FTC and likely ushering in a period of more regulation of the technology sector.
    • Simons also announced the resignation of senior staff: General Counsel Alden F. Abbott; Bureau of Competition Director Ian Conner; Bureau of Competition Deputy Directors Gail Levine and Daniel Francis; Bureau of Consumer Protection Director Andrew Smith; Bureau of Economics Director Andrew Sweeting; Office of Public Affairs Director Cathy MacFarlane; and Office of Policy Planning Director Bilal Sayyed.
  • In a speech last week before he sworn in, President Joe Biden announced his $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan, and according to a summary, Biden will ask Congress to provide $10 billion for a handful of government facing programs to improve technology. Notably, Biden “is calling on Congress to launch the most ambitious effort ever to modernize and secure federal IT and networks.” Biden is proposing to dramatically increase funding for a fund that would allow agencies to borrow and then pay back funds to update their technology. Moreover, Biden is looking to push more money to a program to aid officials at agencies who oversee technology development and procurement.
    • Biden stated “[t]o remediate the SolarWinds breach and boost U.S. defenses, including of the COVID-19 vaccine process, President-elect Biden is calling on Congress to:
      • Expand and improve the Technology Modernization Fund. ​A $9 billion investment will help the U.S. launch major new IT and cybersecurity shared services at the Cyber Security and Information Security Agency (CISA) and the General Services Administration and complete modernization projects at federal agencies. ​In addition, the president-elect is calling on Congress to change the fund’s reimbursement structure in order to fund more innovative and impactful projects.
      • Surge cybersecurity technology and engineering expert hiring​. Providing the Information Technology Oversight and Reform fund with $200 million will allow for the rapid hiring of hundreds of experts to support the federal Chief Information Security Officer and U.S. Digital Service.
      • Build shared, secure services to drive transformational projects. ​Investing$300 million in no-year funding for Technology Transformation Services in the General Services Administration will drive secure IT projects forward without the need of reimbursement from agencies.
      • Improving security monitoring and incident response activities. ​An additional $690M for CISA will bolster cybersecurity across federal civilian networks, and support the piloting of new shared security and cloud computing services.
  • The United States (U.S.) Department of Commerce issued an interim final rule pursuant to an executive order (EO) issued by former President Donald Trump to secure the United States (U.S.) information and communications supply chain. This rule will undoubtedly be reviewed by the Biden Administration and may be withdrawn or modified depending on the fate on the EO on which the rule relies.
    • In the interim final rule, Commerce explained:
      • These regulations create the processes and procedures that the Secretary of Commerce will use to identify, assess, and address certain transactions, including classes of transactions, between U.S. persons and foreign persons that involve information and communications technology or services designed, developed, manufactured, or supplied, by persons owned by, controlled by, or subject to the jurisdiction or direction of a foreign adversary; and pose an undue or unacceptable risk. While this interim final rule will become effective on March 22, 2021, the Department of Commerce continues to welcome public input and is thus seeking additional public comment. Once any additional comments have been evaluated, the Department is committed to issuing a final rule.
      • On November 27, 2019, the Department of Commerce (Department) published a proposed rule to implement the terms of the Executive Order. (84 FR 65316). The proposed rule set forth processes for (1) how the Secretary would evaluate and assess transactions involving ICTS to determine whether they pose an undue risk of sabotage to or subversion of the ICTS supply chain, or an unacceptable risk to the national security of the United States or the security and safety of U.S. persons; (2) how the Secretary would notify parties to transactions under review of the Secretary’s decision regarding the ICTS Transaction, including whether the Secretary would prohibit or mitigate the transaction; and (3) how parties to transactions reviewed by the Secretary could comment on the Secretary’s preliminary decisions. The proposed rule also provided that the Secretary could act without complying with the proposed procedures where required by national security. Finally, the Secretary would establish penalties for violations of mitigation agreements, the regulations, or the Executive Order.
      • In addition to seeking general public comment, the Department requested comments from the public on five specific questions: (1) Whether the Secretary should consider categorical exclusions or whether there are classes of persons whose use of ICTS cannot violate the Executive Order; (2) whether there are categories of uses or of risks that are always capable of being reliably and adequately mitigated; (3) how the Secretary should monitor and enforce any mitigation agreements applied to a transaction; (4) how the terms, “transaction,” “dealing in,” and “use of” should be clarified in the rule; and (5) whether the Department should add record-keeping requirements for information related to transactions.
      • The list of “foreign adversaries” consists of the following foreign governments and non-government persons: The People’s Republic of China, including the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (China); the Republic of Cuba (Cuba); the Islamic Republic of Iran (Iran); the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea); the Russian Federation (Russia); and Venezuelan politician Nicolás Maduro (Maduro Regime).
  • The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) adjusted its penalty amounts for inflation, including a boost to the per violation penalty virtually all the privacy bills introduced in the last Congress would allow the agency to wield against first-time violators. The penalty for certain unfair and deceptive acts or practices was increased from $43,280 to $43,792.
  • The United States (U.S.) Department of State stood up its new Bureau of Cyberspace Security and Emerging Technologies (CSET) as it has long planned. At the beginning of the Trump Administration, the Department of State dismantled the Cyber Coordinator Office and gave its cybersecurity portfolio to the Bureau of Economic Affairs, which displeased Congressional stakeholders. In 2019, the department notified Congress of its plan to establish CSET. The department asserted:
    • The need to reorganize and resource America’s cyberspace and emerging technology security diplomacy through the creation of CSET is critical, as the challenges to U.S. national security presented by China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and other cyber and emerging technology competitors and adversaries have only increased since the Department notified Congress in June 2019 of its intent to create CSET.
    • The CSET bureau will lead U.S. government diplomatic efforts on a wide range of international cyberspace security and emerging technology policy issues that affect U.S. foreign policy and national security, including securing cyberspace and critical technologies, reducing the likelihood of cyber conflict, and prevailing in strategic cyber competition.  The Secretary’s decision to establish CSET will permit the Department to posture itself appropriately and engage as effectively as possible with partners and allies on these pressing national security concerns.
    • The Congressional Members of the Cyberspace Solarium Commission made clear their disapproval of the decision. Senators Angus King (I-ME) and Ben Sasse, (R-NE) and Representatives Mike Gallagher (R-WI) and Jim Langevin (D-RI) said:
      • In our report, we emphasize the need for a greater emphasis on international cyber policy at State. However, unlike the bipartisan Cyber Diplomacy Act, the State Department’s proposed Bureau will reinforce existing silos and […] hinder the development of a holistic strategy to promote cyberspace stability on the international stage. We urge President-elect Biden to pause this reorganization when he takes office in two weeks and work with Congress to enact meaningful reform to protect our country in cyberspace.
  • The Australian Cyber Security Centre (ACSC) the Risk Identification Guidance “developed to assist organisations in identifying risks associated with their use of suppliers, manufacturers, distributors and retailers (i.e. businesses that constitute their cyber supply chain)” and the Risk Management Guidance because “[c]yber supply chain risk management can be achieved by identifying the cyber supply chain, understanding cyber supply chain risk, setting cyber security expectations, auditing for compliance, and monitoring and improving cyber supply chain security practices.”
  • The United Kingdom’s Surveillance Camera Commissioner (SCC), issued “best practice guidance, ‘Facing the Camera’, to all police forces in England and Wales” The SCC explained that “The provisions of this document only apply to the use of facial recognition technology and the inherent processing of images by the police where such use is integral to a surveillance camera system being operated in ‘live time’ or ‘near real time’ operational scenarios.” Last summer, a British appeals court overturned a decision that found that a police force’s use of facial recognition technology in a pilot program that utilized live footage to be legal. The appeals court found the use of this technology by the South Wales Police Force a violation of “the right to respect for private life under Article 8 of the European  Convention  on  Human  Rights,  data  protection  legislation,  and  the  Public  Sector Equality Duty (“PSED”) under section 149 of the Equality Act 2010.” The SCC stated:
    • The SCC considers surveillance to be an intrusive investigatory power where it is conducted by the police which impacts upon those fundamental rights and freedoms of people, as set out by the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) and the Human Rights Act 1998. In the context of surveillance camera systems which make use of facial recognition technology, the extent of state intrusion in such matters is significantly increased by the capabilities of algorithms which are in essence, integral to the surveillance conduct seeking to harvest information, private information, metadata, data, personal data, intelligence and evidence. Each of the aforementioned are bound by laws and rules which ought to be separately and jointly considered and applied in a manner which is demonstrably lawful and ethical and engenders public trust and confidence.
    • Whenever the police seek to use technology in pursuit of a legitimate aim, the key question arises as to whether the degree of intrusion which is caused to the fundamental freedoms of citizens by the police surveillance conduct using surveillance algorithms (biometric or otherwise) is necessary in a democratic society when considered alongside the legality and proportionality of their endeavours and intent. The type of equipment/technology/modality which they choose to use to that end (e.g. LFR, ANPR, thermal imaging, gait analysis, movement sensors etc), the manner in which such technological means are deployed, (such as using static cameras at various locations, used with body worn cameras or other mobile means), and whether such technology is used overtly alongside or networked with other surveillance technologies, are all factors which may significantly influence the depth of intrusion caused by police conduct upon citizen’s rights.
  • The Senate confirmed the nomination of Avril Haines to be the new Director of National Intelligence by an 89-10 vote after Senator Tom Cotton (R-AK) removed his hold on her nomination. However, Josh Hawley (R-MO) placed a hold on the nomination of Alejandro Mayorkas to be the next Secretary of Homeland Security and explained his action this way:
    • On Day 1 of his administration, President-elect Biden has said he plans to unveil an amnesty plan for 11 million immigrants in this nation illegally. This comes at a time when millions of American citizens remain out of work and a new migrant caravan has been attempting to reach the United States. Mr. Mayorkas has not adequately explained how he will enforce federal law and secure the southern border given President-elect Biden’s promise to roll back major enforcement and security measures. Just today, he declined to say he would enforce the laws Congress has already passed to secure the border wall system. Given this, I cannot consent to skip the standard vetting process and fast-track this nomination when so many questions remain unanswered.
  • Former Trump White House Cyber Coordinator Rob Joyce will replace the National Security Agency’s (NSA) Director of Cybersecurity Anne Neuberger who has been named the Biden White House’s Deputy National Security Advisor for Cyber and Emerging Technology. Anne Neuberger’s portfolio at the NSA included “lead[ing] NSA’s cybersecurity mission, including emerging technology areas like quantum-resistant cryptography.” Joyce was purged when former National Security Advisor John Bolton restructured the NSC in 2018, forcing out Joyce and his boss, former Homeland Security Advisor Tom Bossert. Presumably Joyce would have the same responsibilities. At the National Security Council, Neuberger would will work to coordinate cybersecurity and emerging technology policy across agencies and funnel policy options up to the full NSC and ultimately the President. This work would include Joyce.
  • The Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) heard oral arguments on whether the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Act gives the agency the power to seek monetary damages and restitution alongside permanent injunctions under Section 13(b). In AMG Capital Management, LLC v. FTC, the parties opposing the FTC argue the plain language of the statute does not allow for the seeking of restitution and monetary damages under this specific section of the FTC Act while the agency argues long accepted past practice and Congressional intent do, in fact, allow this relief to be sought when the FTC is seeking to punish violators of Section 5. The FTC is working a separate track to get a fix from Congress which could rewrite the FTC Act to make clear this sort of relief is legal. However, some stakeholders in the debate over privacy legislation may be using the case as leverage.
    • In October 2020, the FTC wrote the House and Senate committees with jurisdiction over the agency, asking for language to resolve the litigation over the power to seek and obtain restitution for victims of those who have violated Section 5 of the FTC Act and disgorgement of ill-gotten gains. The FTC is also asking that Congress clarify that the agency may act against violators even if their conduct has stopped as it has for more than four decades. Two federal appeals courts have ruled in ways that have limited the FTC’s long used powers, and now the Supreme Court of the United States is set to rule on these issues sometime next year. The FTC is claiming, however, that defendants are playing for time in the hopes that the FTC’s authority to seek and receive monetary penalties will ultimately be limited by the United States (U.S.) highest court. Judging by language tucked into a privacy bill introduced by the former chair of one of the committees, Congress may be willing to act soon.
    • The FTC asked the House Energy and Commerce and Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committees “to take quick action to amend Section 13(b) [of the FTC Act i.e. 15 U.S.C. § 53(b)] to make clear that the Commission can bring actions in federal court under Section 13(b) even if conduct is no longer ongoing or impending when the suit is filed and can obtain monetary relief, including restitution and disgorgement, if successful.” The agency asserted “[w]ithout congressional action, the Commission’s ability to use Section 13(b) to provide refunds to consumer victims and to enjoin illegal activity is severely threatened.” All five FTC Commissioners signed the letter.
    • The FTC explained that adverse rulings by two federal appeals courts are constraining the agency from seeking relief for victims and punishment for violators of the FTC Act in federal courts below those two specific courts, but elsewhere defendants are either asking courts for a similar ruling or using delaying tactics in the hopes the Supreme Court upholds the two federal appeals courts:
      • …[C]ourts of appeals in the Third and Seventh Circuits have recently ruled that the agency cannot obtain any monetary relief under Section 13(b). Although review in the Supreme Court is pending, these lower court decisions are already inhibiting our ability to obtain monetary relief under 13(b). Not only do these decisions already prevent us from obtaining redress for consumers in the circuits where they issued, prospective defendants are routinely invoking them in refusing to settle cases with agreed-upon redress payments.
      • Moreover, defendants in our law enforcement actions pending in other circuits are seeking to expand the rulings to those circuits and taking steps to delay litigation in anticipation of a potential Supreme Court ruling that would allow them to escape liability for any monetary relief caused by their unlawful conduct. This is a significant impediment to the agency’s effectiveness, its ability to provide redress to consumer victims, and its ability to prevent entities who violate the law from profiting from their wrongdoing.
  • The United Kingdom’s Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) issued guidance for British entities that may be affected by the massive SolarWinds hack that has compromised many key systems in the United States. The ICO advised:
    • Organisations should immediately check whether they are using a version of the software that has been compromised. These are versions 2019.4 HF 5, 2020.2 with no hotfix installed, and 2020.2 HF 1.
    • Organisations must also determine if the personal data they hold has been affected by the cyber-attack. If a reportable personal data breach is found, UK data controllers are required to inform the ICO within 72 hours of discovering the breach. Reports can be submitted online or organisations can call the ICO’s personal data breach helpline for advice on 0303 123 1113, option 2.
    • Organisations subject to the NIS Regulation will also need to determine if this incident has led to a “substantial impact on the provision’ of its digital services and report to the ICO.
  • Europol announced the takedown of “the world’s largest illegal marketplace on the dark web” in an operation coordinated by the following nations: “Germany, Australia, Denmark, Moldova, Ukraine, the United Kingdom (the National Crime Agency), and the USA (DEA, FBI, and IRS).” Europol added:
    • The Central Criminal Investigation Department in the German city of Oldenburg arrested an Australian citizen who is the alleged operator of DarkMarket near the German-Danish border over the weekend. The investigation, which was led by the cybercrime unit of the Koblenz Public Prosecutor’s Office, allowed officers to locate and close the marketplace, switch off the servers and seize the criminal infrastructure – more than 20 servers in Moldova and Ukraine supported by the German Federal Criminal Police office (BKA). The stored data will give investigators new leads to further investigate moderators, sellers, and buyers. 
  • The Enforcement Bureau (Bureau) of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) issued an enforcement advisory intended to remind people that use of amateur and personal radios to commit crimes is itself a criminal offense that could warrant prosecution. The notice was issued because the FCC is claiming it is aware of discussion by some of how these means of communications may be superior to social media, which has been cracking down on extremist material since the attempted insurrection at the United States Capitol on 6 January. The Bureau stated:
    • The Bureau has become aware of discussions on social media platforms suggesting that certain radio services regulated by the Commission may be an alternative to social media platforms for groups to communicate and coordinate future activities.  The Bureau recognizes that these services can be used for a wide range of permitted purposes, including speech that is protected under the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.  Amateur and Personal Radio Services, however, may not be used to commit or facilitate crimes. 
    • Specifically, the Bureau reminds amateur licensees that they are prohibited from transmitting “communications intended to facilitate a criminal act” or “messages encoded for the purpose of obscuring their meaning.” Likewise, individuals operating radios in the Personal Radio Services, a category that includes Citizens Band radios, Family Radio Service walkie-talkies, and General Mobile Radio Service, are prohibited from using those radios “in connection with any activity which is against Federal, State or local law.” Individuals using radios in the Amateur or Personal Radio Services in this manner may be subject to severe penalties, including significant fines, seizure of the offending equipment, and, in some cases, criminal prosecution.
  • The European Data Protection Board (EDPB) issued its “Strategy for 2021-2023” in order “[t]o be effective in confronting the main challenges ahead.” The EDPB cautioned:
    • This Strategy does not provide an exhaustive overview of the work of the EDPB in the years to come. Rather it sets out the four main pillars of our strategic objectives, as well as set of key actions to help achieve those objectives. The EDPB will implement this Strategy within its Work Program, and will report on the progress achieved in relation to each Pillar as part of its annual reports.
    • The EDPB listed and explained the four pillars of its strategy:
      • PILLAR 1: ADVANCING HARMONISATION AND FACILITATING COMPLIANCE. The EDPB will continue to strive for a maximum degree of consistency in the application of data protection rules and limit fragmentation among Member States. In addition to providing practical, easily understandable and accessible guidance, the EDPB will develop and promote tools that help to implement data protection into practice, taking into account practical experiences of different stakeholders on the ground.
      • PILLAR 2: SUPPORTING EFFECTIVE ENFORCEMENT AND EFFICIENT COOPERATION BETWEEN NATIONAL SUPERVISORY AUTHORITIES. The EDPB is fully committed to support cooperation between all national supervisory authorities that work together to enforce European data protection law. We will streamline internal processes, combine expertise and promote enhanced coordination. We intend not only to ensure a more efficient functioning of the cooperation and consistency mechanisms, but also to strive for the development of a genuine EU-wide enforcement culture among supervisory authorities.
      • PILLAR 3: A FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS APPROACH TO NEW TECHNOLOGIES. The protection of personal data helps to ensure that technology, new business models and society develop in accordance with our values, such as human dignity, autonomy and liberty. The EDPB will continuously monitor new and emerging technologies and their potential impact on the fundamental rights and daily lives of individuals. Data protection should work for all people, particularly in the face of processing activities presenting the greatest risks to individuals’ rights and freedoms (e.g. to prevent discrimination). We will help to shape Europe’s digital future in line with our common values and rules. We will continue to work with other regulators and policymakers to promote regulatory coherence and enhanced protection for individuals.
      • PILLAR 4: THE GLOBAL DIMENSION. The EDPB is determined to set and promote high EU and global standards for international data transfers to third countries in the private and the public sector, including in the law enforcement sector. We will reinforce our engagement with the international community to promote EU data protection as a global model and to ensure effective protection of personal data beyond EU borders.
  • The United Kingdom’s (UK) Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) revealed that all but one of the videoconferencing platforms it and other data protection authorities’ (DPA) July 2020 letter urging them to “adopt principles to guide them in addressing some key privacy risks.” The ICO explained:
    • Microsoft, Cisco, Zoom and Google replied to the open letter. The joint signatories thank these companies for engaging on this important matter and for acknowledging and responding to the concerns raised. In their responses the companies highlighted various privacy and security best practices, measures, and tools that they advise are implemented or built-in to their video teleconferencing services.
    • The information provided by these companies is encouraging. It is a constructive foundation for further discussion on elements of the responses that the joint signatories feel would benefit from more clarity and additional supporting information.
    • The ICO stated:
      • The joint signatories have not received a response to the open letter from Houseparty. They strongly encourage Houseparty to engage with them and respond to the open letter to address the concerns raised.
  • The European Union Agency for Cybersecurity (ENISA) “launched a public consultation, which runs until 7 February 2021, on its draft of the candidate European Union Cybersecurity Certification Scheme on Cloud Services (EUCS)…[that] aims to further improve the Union’s internal market conditions for cloud services by enhancing and streamlining the services’ cybersecurity guarantees.” ENISA stated:
    • There are challenges to the certification of cloud services, such as a diverse set of market players, complex systems and a constantly evolving landscape of cloud services, as well as the existence of different schemes in Member States. The draft EUCS candidate scheme tackles these challenges by calling for cybersecurity best practices across three levels of assurance and by allowing for a transition from current national schemes in the EU. The draft EUCS candidate scheme is a horizontal and technological scheme that intends to provide cybersecurity assurance throughout the cloud supply chain, and form a sound basis for sectoral schemes.
    • More specifically, the draft EUCS candidate scheme:
      • Is a voluntary scheme;
      • The scheme’s certificates will be applicable across the EU Member States;
      • Is applicable for all kinds of cloud services – from infrastructure to applications;
      • Boosts trust in cloud services by defining a reference set of security requirements;
      • Covers three assurance levels: ‘Basic’, ‘Substantial’ and ‘High’;
      • Proposes a new approach inspired by existing national schemes and international standards;
      • Defines a transition path from national schemes in the EU;
      • Grants a three-year certification that can be renewed;
      • Includes transparency requirements such as the location of data processing and storage.

Coming Events

  • The Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee will hold a hearing on the nomination of Gina Raimondo to be the Secretary of Commerce on 26 January.
  • On 27 July, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) will hold PrivacyCon 2021.

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Further Reading, Other Developments, and Coming Events (19 January 2021)

Further Reading

  • Hong Kong telecoms provider blocks website for first time, citing security law” — Reuters; “A Hong Kong Website Gets Blocked, Raising Censorship Fears” By Paul Mozur and Aaron Krolik — The New York Times. The Hong Kong Broadband Network (HKBN) blocked access to a website about the 2019 protests against the People’s Republic of China (PRC) (called HKChronicles) under a recently enacted security law critics had warned would lead to exactly this sort of outcome. Allegedly, the Hong Kong police had invoked the National Security Law for the first time, and other telecommunications companies have followed suit.
  • Biden to counter China tech by urging investment in US: adviser” By Yifan Yu — Nikkei Asia. President-elect Joe Biden’s head of the National Economic Council said at a public event that the Biden Administration would focus less on tariffs and other similar instruments to counter the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Instead, the incoming President would try to foster investment in United States companies and technologies to fend off the PRC’s growing strength in a number of crucial fields. Also, a Biden Administration would work more with traditional U.S. allies to contest policies from Beijing.
  • Revealed: walkie-talkie app Zello hosted far-right groups who stormed Capitol” By Micah Loewinger and Hampton Stall — The Guardian. Some of the rioters and insurrectionists whop attacked the United States Capitol on 6 January were using another, lesser known communications app, Zello, to coordinate their actions. The app has since taken down a number of right-wing and extremist groups that have flourished for months if not years on the platform. It remains to be seen how smaller platforms will be scrutinized under a Biden Presidency. Zello has reportedly been aware that these groups have been using their platform and opted not to police their conduct.
  • They Used to Post Selfies. Now They’re Trying to Reverse the Election.” By Stuart A. Thompson and Charlie Warzel — The New York Times. The three people who amassed considerable extremist followings seem each to be part believer and part opportunist. A fascinating series of profiles about the three.
  • Telegram tries, and fails, to remove extremist content” By Mark Scott — Politico. Platforms other than Facebook and Twiiter are struggling to moderate right wing and extremist content that violates their policies and terms of service.

Other Developments

  • The Biden-Harris transition team announced that a statutorily established science advisor will now be a member of the Cabinet and named its nominee for this and other positions. The Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) was created by executive order in the Ford Administration and then codified by Congress. However, the OSTP Director has not been a member of the Cabinet alongside the Senate-confirmed Secretaries and others. President-elect Joe Biden has decided to elevate the OSTP Director to the Cabinet, likely in order to signal the importance of science and technology in his Administration. The current OSTP has exercised unusual influence in the Trump Administration under the helm of OSTP Associate Director Michael Kratsios and shaped policy in a number of realms like artificial intelligence, national security, and others.
    • In the press release, the transition team explained:
      • Dr. Eric Lander will be nominated as Director of the OSTP and serve as the Presidential Science Advisor. The president-elect is elevating the role of science within the White House, including by designating the Presidential Science Advisor as a member of the Cabinet for the first time in history. One of the country’s leading scientists, Dr. Lander was a principal leader of the Human Genome Project and has been a pioneer in the field of genomic medicine. He is the founding director of the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, one of the nation’s leading research institutes. During the Obama-Biden administration, he served as external Co-Chair of the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology. Dr. Lander will be the first life scientist to serve as Presidential Science Advisor.
      • Dr. Alondra Nelson will serve as OSTP Deputy Director for Science and Society. A distinguished scholar of science, technology, social inequality, and race, Dr. Nelson is president of the Social Science Research Council, an independent, nonprofit organization linking social science research to practice and policy. She is also a professor at the Institute for Advanced Study, one of the nation’s most distinguished research institutes, located in Princeton, NJ.
      • Dr. Frances H. Arnold and Dr. Maria Zuber will serve as the external Co-Chairs of the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (PCAST). An expert in protein engineering, Dr. Arnold is the first American woman to win the Nobel Prize in Chemistry. Dr. Zuber, an expert in geophysics and planetary science, is the first woman to lead a NASA spacecraft mission and has chaired the National Science Board. They are the first women to serve as co-chairs of PCAST.
      • Dr. Francis Collins will continue serving in his role as Director of the National Institutes of Health.
      • Kei Koizumi will serve as OSTP Chief of Staff and is one of the nation’s leading experts on the federal science budget.
      • Narda Jones, who will serve as OSTP Legislative Affairs Director, was Senior Technology Policy Advisor and Counsel for the Democratic staff of the U.S. Senate Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation.
  • The United States (U.S.) Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) issued a report on supply chain security by a public-private sector advisory body, which represents one of the lines of effort of the U.S. government to better secure technology and electronics that emanate from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). CISA’s National Risk Management Center co-chairs the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) Supply Chain Risk Management (SCRM) Task Force along with the Information Technology Sector Coordinating Council and the Communications Sector Coordinating Council. The ICT SCRM published its Year 2 Report that “builds upon” its Interim Report and asserted:
    • Over the past year, the Task Force has expanded upon its first-year progress to advance meaningful partnership around supply chain risk management. Specifically, the Task Force:
      • Developed reference material to support overcoming legal obstacles to information sharing
      • Updated the Threat Evaluation Report, which evaluates threats to suppliers, with additional scenarios and mitigation measures for the corresponding threat scenarios
      • Produced a report and case studies providing in -depth descriptions of control categories and information regarding when and how to use a Qualified List to manage supply chain risks
      • Developed a template for SCRM compliance assessments and internal evaluations of alignment to industry standards
      • Analyzed the current and potential impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic, and developed a system map to visualize ICT supply chain routes and identify chokepoints
      • Surveyed supply chain related programs and initiatives that provide opportunities for potential TaskForce engagement
    • Congress established an entity to address and help police supply chain risk at the end of 2018 in the “Strengthening and Enhancing Cyber-capabilities by Utilizing Risk Exposure Technology Act” (SECURE Act) (P.L. 115-390). The Federal Acquisition Security Council (FASC) has a number of responsibilities, including:
      • developing an information sharing process for agencies to circulate decisions throughout the federal government made to exclude entities determined to be IT supply chain risks
      • establishing a process by which entities determined to be IT supply chain risks may be excluded from procurement government-wide (exclusion orders) or suspect IT must be removed from government systems (removal orders)
      • creating an exception process under which IT from an entity subject to a removal or exclusion order may be used if warranted by national interest or national security
      • issuing recommendations for agencies on excluding entities and IT from the IT supply chain and “consent for a contractor to subcontract” and mitigation steps entities would need to take in order for the Council to rescind a removal or exclusion order
      • In September 2020, the FASC released an interim regulation that took effect upon being published that “implement[s] the requirements of the laws that govern the operation of the FASC, the sharing of supply chain risk information, and the exercise of its authorities to recommend issuance of removal and exclusion orders to address supply chain security risks…”
  • The Australian government has released its bill to remake how platforms like Facebook, Google, and others may use the content of new media, including provision for payment. The “Treasury Laws Amendment (News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code) Bill 2020” “establishes a mandatory code of conduct to help support the sustainability of the Australian news media sector by addressing bargaining power imbalances between digital platforms and Australian news businesses.” The agency charged with developing legislation, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC), has tussled with Google in particular over what this law would look like with the technology giant threatening to withdraw from Australia altogether. The ACCC had determined in its July 2019 Digital Platform Inquiry:
    • that there is a bargaining power imbalance between digital platforms and news media businesses so that news media businesses are not able to negotiate for a share of the revenue generated by the digital platforms and to which the news content created by the news media businesses contributes. Government intervention is necessary because of the public benefit provided by the production and dissemination of news, and the importance of a strong independent media in a well-functioning democracy.
    • In an Explanatory Memorandum, it is explained:
      • The Bill establishes a mandatory code of conduct to address bargaining power imbalances between digital platform services and Australian news businesses…by setting out six main elements:
        • bargaining–which require the responsible digital platform corporations and registered news business corporations that have indicated an intention to bargain, to do so in good faith;
        • compulsory arbitration–where parties cannot come to a negotiated agreement about remuneration relating to the making available of covered news content on designated digital platform services, an arbitral panel will select between two final offers made by the bargaining parties;
        • general requirements –which, among other things, require responsible digital platform corporations to provide registered news business corporations with advance notification of planned changes to an algorithm or internal practice that will have a significant effect on covered news content;
        • non-differentiation requirements –responsible digital platform corporations must not differentiate between the news businesses participating in the Code, or between participants and non-participants, because of matters that arise in relation to their participation or non-participation in the Code;
        • contracting out–the Bill recognises that a digital platform corporation may reach a commercial bargain with a news business outside the Code about remuneration or other matters. It provides that parties who notify the ACCC of such agreements would not need to comply with the general requirements, bargaining and compulsory arbitration rules (as set out in the agreement); and
        • standard offers –digital platform corporations may make standard offers to news businesses, which are intended to reduce the time and cost associated with negotiations, particularly for smaller news businesses. If the parties notify the ACCC of an agreed standard offer, those parties do not need to comply with bargaining and compulsory arbitration (as set out in the agreement);
  • The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has reached a settlement with an mobile advertising company over “allegations that it failed to provide in-game rewards users were promised for completing advertising offers.” The FTC unanimously agreed to the proposed settlement with Tapjoy, Inc. that bars the company “from misleading users about the rewards they can earn and must monitor its third-party advertiser partners to ensure they do what is necessary to enable Tapjoy to deliver promised rewards to consumers.” The FTC drafted a 20 year settlement that will obligate Tapjoy, Inc. to refrain from certain practices that violate the FTC Act; in this case that includes not making false claims about the rewards people can get if they take or do not take some action in an online game. Tapjoy, Inc. will also need to submit compliance reports, keep records, and make materials available to the FTC upon demand. Any failure to meet the terms of the settlement could prompt the FTC to seek redress in federal court, including more than $43,000 per violation.
    • In the complaint, the FTC outlined Tapjoy, Inc.’s illegal conduct:
      • Tapjoy operates an advertising platform within mobile gaming applications (“apps”). On the platform, Tapjoy promotes offers of in-app rewards (e.g., virtual currency) to consumers who complete an action, such as taking a survey or otherwise engaging with third-party advertising. Often, these consumers must divulge personal information or spend money. In many instances, Tapjoy never issues the promised reward to consumers who complete an action as instructed, or only issues the currency after a substantial delay. Consumers who attempt to contact Tapjoy to complain about missing rewards find it difficult to do so, and many consumers who complete an action as instructed and are able to submit a complaint nevertheless do not receive the promised reward.  Tapjoy has received hundreds of thousands of complaints concerning its failure to issue promised rewards to consumers. Tapjoy nevertheless has withheld rewards from consumers who have completed all required actions.
    • In its press release, the FTC highlighted the salient terms of the settlement:
      • As part of the proposed settlement, Tapjoy is prohibited from misrepresenting the rewards it offers consumers and the terms under which they are offered. In addition, the company must clearly and conspicuously display the terms under which consumers can receive such rewards and must specify that the third-party advertisers it works with determine if a reward should be issued. Tapjoy also will be required to monitor its advertisers to ensure they are following through on promised rewards, investigate complaints from consumers who say they did not receive their rewards, and discipline advertisers who deceive consumers.
    • FTC Commissioners Rohit Chopra and Rebecca Kelly Slaughter issued a joint statement, and in their summary section, they asserted:
      • The explosive growth of mobile gaming has led to mounting concerns about harmful practices, including unlawful surveillance, dark patterns, and facilitation of fraud.
      • Tapjoy’s failure to properly police its mobile gaming advertising platform cheated developers and gamers out of promised compensation and rewards.
      • The Commission must closely scrutinize today’s gaming gatekeepers, including app stores and advertising middlemen, to prevent harm to developers and gamers.
    • On the last point, Chopra and Kelly Slaughter argued:
      • We should all be concerned that gatekeepers can harm developers and squelch innovation. The clearest example is rent extraction: Apple and Google charge mobile app developers on their platforms up to 30 percent of sales, and even bar developers from trying to avoid this tax through offering alternative payment systems. While larger gaming companies are pursuing legal action against these practices, developers and small businesses risk severe retaliation for speaking up, including outright suspension from app stores – an effective death sentence.
      • This market structure also has cascading effects on gamers and consumers. Under heavy taxation by Apple and Google, developers have been forced to adopt alternative monetization models that rely on surveillance, manipulation, and other harmful practices.
  • The United Kingdom’s (UK) High Court ruled against the use of general warrants for online surveillance by the Uk’s security agencies (MI5, MI6, and the Government Communication Headquarters (GCHQ)). Privacy International (PI), a British advocacy organization, had brought the suit after Edward Snowden revealed the scope of the United States National Security Agency’s (NSA) surveillance activities, including bulk collection of information, a significant portion of which required hacking. PI sued in a special tribunal formed to resolve claims against British security agencies where the government asserted general warrants would suffice for purposes of mass hacking. PI disagreed and argued this was counter to 250 years of established law in the UK that warrants must be based on reasonable suspicion, specific in what is being sought, and proportionate. The High Court agreed with PI.
    • In its statement after the ruling, PI asserted:
      • Because general warrants are by definition not targeted (and could therefore apply to hundreds, thousands or even millions of people) they violate individuals’ right not to not have their property searched without lawful authority, and are therefore illegal.
      • The adaptation of these 250-year-old principles to modern government hacking and property interference is of great significance. The Court signals that fundamental constitutional principles still need to be applied in the context of surveillance and that the government cannot circumvent traditional protections afforded by the common law.
  • In Indiana, the attorney general is calling on the governor to “to adopt a safe harbor rule I proposed that would incentivize companies to take strong data protection measures, which will reduce the scale and frequency of cyberattacks in Indiana.” Attorney General Curtis Hill urged Governor Eric J. Holcomb to allow a change in the state’s data security regulations to be made effective.
    • The proposed rule provides:
      • Procedures adopted under IC 24-4.9-3-3.5(c) are presumed reasonable if the procedures comply with this section, including one (1) of the following applicable standards:
        • (1) A covered entity implements and maintains a cybersecurity program that complies with the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) cybersecurity framework and follows the most recent version of one (1) of the following standards:
          • (A) NIST Special Publication 800-171.
          • (B) NIST SP 800-53.
          • (C) The Federal Risk and Authorization Management Program (FedRAMP) security assessment framework.
          • (D) International Organization for Standardization/International Electrotechnical Commission 27000 family – information security management systems.
        • (2) A covered entity is regulated by the federal or state government and complies with one (1) of the following standards as it applies to the covered entity:
          • (A) The federal USA Patriot Act (P.L. 107-56).
          • (B) Executive Order 13224.
          • (C) The federal Driver’s Privacy Protection Act (18 U.S.C. 2721 et seq.).
          • (D) The federal Fair Credit Reporting Act (15 U.S.C. 1681 et seq.).
          • (E) The federal Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) (P.L. 104-191).
        • (3) A covered entity complies with the current version of the payment card industry data security standard in place at the time of the breach of security of data, as published by the Payment Card Industry Security Standard Council.
      • The regulations further provide that if a data base owner can show “its data security plan was reasonably designed, implemented, and executed to prevent the breach of security of data” then it “will not be subject to a civil action from the office of the attorney general arising from the breach of security of data.”
  • The Tech Transparency Project (TTP) is claiming that Apple “has removed apps in China at the government’s request” the majority of which “involve activities like illegal gambling and porn.” However, TTP is asserting that its analysis “suggests Apple is proactively blocking scores of other apps that are politically sensitive for Beijing.”

Coming Events

  • On 19 January, the Senate Intelligence Committee will hold a hearing on the nomination of Avril Haines to be the Director of National Intelligence.
  • The Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee will hold a hearing on the nomination of Alejandro N. Mayorkas to be Secretary of Homeland Security on 19 January.
  • On 19 January, the Senate Armed Services Committee will hold a hearing on former General Lloyd Austin III to be Secretary of Defense.
  • On 27 July, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) will hold PrivacyCon 2021.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

ePrivacy Exception Proposed

Late last month, a broad exception to the EU’s privacy regulations became effective.

My apologies. The first version of this post erroneously asserted the derogation to the ePrivacy Directive had been enacted. It has not, and this post has been re-titled and updated to reflect this fact.

As the European Union (EU) continues to work on enacting a modernized ePrivacy Directive (Directive 2002/58/EC) to complement the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), it proposed an exemption to manage a change in another EU law to sweep “number-independent interpersonal communications services” into the current regulatory structure of electronics communication. The policy justification for allowing a categorical exemption to the ePrivacy Directive is for combatting child sexual abuse online. This derogation of EU law is limited to at most five years and quite possibly less time if the EU can enact a successor to the ePrivacy Directive, an ePrivacy Regulation. However, it is unclear when this derogation will be agreed upon and enacted.

In September 2020, the European Commission (EC) issued “a Proposal for a Regulation on a temporary derogation from certain provisions of the ePrivacy Directive 2002/58/EC as regards the use of technologies by number-independent interpersonal communicationsservice providers for the processing of personal and other data for the purpose of combatting child sexual abuse online.” The final regulation took effect on 21 December 2020. However, the EC has also issued a draft of compromise ePrivacy Regulation, the results of extensive communications. The GDPR was enacted with an update of the ePrivacy Directive in mind.

In early December, an EU Parliament committee approved the proposed derogation but the full Parliament has not yet acted upon the measure. The Parliament needs to reach agreement with the Presidency of the Council and the European Commission. In its press release, the Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs explained:

The proposed regulation will provide for limited and temporary changes to the rules governing the privacy of electronic communications so that over the top (“OTT”) communication interpersonal services, such as web messaging, voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP), chat and web-based email services, can continue to detect, report and remove child sexual abuse online on a voluntary basis.

Article 1 sets out the scope and aim of the temporary regulation:

This Regulation lays down temporary and strictly limited rules derogating from certain obligations laid down in Directive 2002/58/EC, with the sole objective of enabling providers of number-independent interpersonal communications services to continue the use of technologies for the processing of personal and other data to the extent necessary to detect and report child sexual abuse online and remove child sexual abuse material on their services.

The EC explained the legal and policy background for the exemption to the ePrivacy Directive:

  • On 21 December 2020, with the entry into application of the European Electronic Communications Code (EECC), the definition of electronic communications services will be replaced by a new definition, which includes number-independent interpersonal communications services. From that date on, these services will, therefore, be covered by the ePrivacy Directive, which relies on the definition of the EECC. This change concerns communications services like webmail messaging services and internet telephony.
  • Certain providers of number-independent interpersonal communications services are already using specific technologies to detect child sexual abuse on their services and report it to law enforcement authorities and to organisations acting in the public interest against child sexual abuse, and/or to remove child sexual abuse material. These organisations refer to national hotlines for reporting child sexual abuse material, as well as organisations whose purpose is to reduce child sexual exploitation, and prevent child victimisation, located both within the EU and in third countries.
  • Child sexual abuse is a particularly serious crime that has wide-ranging and serious life-long consequences for victims. In hurting children, these crimes also cause significant and long- term social harm. The fight against child sexual abuse is a priority for the EU. On 24 July 2020, the European Commission adopted an EU strategy for a more effective fight against child sexual abuse, which aims to provide an effective response, at EU level, to the crime of child sexual abuse. The Commission announced that it will propose the necessary legislation to tackle child sexual abuse online effectively including by requiring relevant online services providers to detect known child sexual abuse material and oblige them to report that material to public authorities by the second quarter of 2021. The announced legislation will be intended to replace this Regulation, by putting in place mandatory measures to detect and report child sexual abuse, in order to bring more clarity and certainty to the work of both law enforcement and relevant actors in the private sector to tackle online abuse, while ensuring respect of the fundamental rights of the users, including in particular the right to freedom of expression and opinion, protection of personal data and privacy, and providing for mechanisms to ensure accountability and transparency.

The EC baldly asserts the problem of child online sexual abuse justifies a loophole to the broad prohibition on violating the privacy of EU persons. The EC did note that the fight against this sort of crime is a political priority for the EC, one that ostensibly puts the EU close to the views of the Five Eyes nations that have been pressuring technology companies to end the practice of making apps and hardware encrypted by default.

The EC explained:

The present proposal therefore presents a narrow and targeted legislative interim solution with the sole objective of creating a temporary and strictly limited derogation from the applicability of Articles 5(1) and 6 of the ePrivacy Directive, which protect the confidentiality of communications and traffic data. This proposal respects the fundamental rights, including the rights to privacy and protection of personal data, while enabling providers of number-independent interpersonal communications services to continue using specific technologies and continue their current activities to the extent necessary to detect and report child sexual abuse online and remove child sexual abuse material on their services, pending the adoption of the announced long- term legislation. Voluntary efforts to detect solicitation of children for sexual purposes (“grooming”) also must be limited to the use of existing, state-of-the-art technology that corresponds to the safeguards set out. This Regulation should cease to apply in December 2025.

The EC added “[i]n case the announced long-term legislation is adopted and enters into force prior to this date, that legislation should repeal the present Regulation.”

In November, the European Data Protections Supervisor (EDPS) Wojciech Wiewiorówski published his opinion on the temporary, limited derogation from the EU’s regulation on electronics communication and privacy. Wiewiorówski cautioned that a short-term exception, however well-intended, would lead to future loopholes that would ultimately undermine the purpose of the legislation. Moreover, Wiewiorówski found that the derogation was not sufficiently specific guidance and safeguards and is not proportional. Wiewiorówski argued:

  • In particular, he notes that the measures envisaged by the Proposal would constitute an interference with the fundamental rights to respect for private life and data protection of all users of very popular electronic communications services, such as instant messaging platforms and applications. Confidentiality of communications is a cornerstone of the fundamental rights to respect for private and family life. Even voluntary measures by private companies constitute an interference with these rights when the measures involve the monitoring and analysis of the content of communications and processing of personal data.
  • The EDPS wishes to underline that the issues at stake are not specific to the fight against child abuse but to any initiative aiming at collaboration of the private sector for law enforcement purposes. If adopted, the Proposal, will inevitably serve as a precedent for future legislation in this field. The EDPS therefore considers it essential that the Proposal is not adopted, even in the form a temporary derogation, until all the necessary safeguards set out in this Opinion are integrated.
  • In particular, in the interest of legal certainty, the EDPS considers that it is necessary to clarify whether the Proposal itself is intended to provide a legal basis for the processing within the meaning of the GDPR, or not. If not, the EDPS recommends clarifying explicitly in the Proposal which legal basis under the GDPR would be applicable in this particular case.
  • In this regard, the EDPS stresses that guidance by data protection authorities cannot substitute compliance with the requirement of legality. It is insufficient to provide that the temporary derogation is “without prejudice” to the GDPR and to mandate prior consultation of data protection authorities. The co-legislature must take its responsibility and ensure that the proposed derogation complies with the requirements of Article 15(1), as interpreted by the CJEU.
  • In order to satisfy the requirement of proportionality, the legislation must lay down clear and precise rules governing the scope and application of the measures in question and imposing minimum safeguards, so that the persons whose personal data is affected have sufficient guarantees that data will be effectively protected against the risk of abuse.
  • Finally, the EDPS is of the view that the five-year period as proposed does not appear proportional given the absence of (a) a prior demonstration of the proportionality of the envisaged measure and (b) the inclusion of sufficient safeguards within the text of the legislation. He considers that the validity of any transitional measure should not exceed 2 years.

The Five Eyes nations (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States) issued a joint statement in which their ministers called for quick action.

In this statement, we highlight how from 21 December 2020, the ePrivacy Directive, applied without derogation, will make it easier for children to be sexually exploited and abused without detection – and how the ePrivacy Directive could make it impossible both for providers of internet communications services, and for law enforcement, to investigate and prevent such exploitation and abuse. It is accordingly essential that the European Union adopt urgently the derogation to the ePrivacy Directive as proposed by the European Commission in order for the essential work carried out by service providers to shield endangered children in Europe and around the world to continue.

Without decisive action, from 21 December 2020 internet-based messaging services and e-mail services captured by the European Electronic Communications Code’s (EECC) new, broader definition of ‘electronic communications services’ are covered by the ePrivacy Directive. The providers of electronic communications services must comply with the obligation to respect the confidentiality of communications and the conditions for processing communications data in accordance with the ePrivacy Directive. In the absence of any relevant national measures made under Article 15 of that Directive, this will have the effect of making it illegal for service providers operating within the EU to use their current tools to protect children, with the impact on victims felt worldwide.

As mentioned, this derogation comes at a time when the EC and the EU nations are trying to finalize and enact an ePrivacy Regulation. In the original 2017 proposal, the EC stated:

The ePrivacy Directive ensures the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms, in particular the respect for private life, confidentiality of communications and the protection of personal data in the electronic communications sector. It also guarantees the free movement of electronic communications data, equipment and services in the Union.

The ePrivacy Regulation is intended to work in concert with the GDPR, and the draft 2020 regulation contains the following passages explaining the intended interplay of the two regulatory schemes:

  • Regulation (EU) 2016/679 regulates the protection of personal data. This Regulation protects in addition the respect for private life and communications. The provisions of this Regulation particularise and complement the general rules on the protection of personal data laid down in Regulation (EU) 2016/679. This Regulation therefore does not lower the level of protection enjoyed by natural persons under Regulation (EU) 2016/679. The provisions particularise Regulation (EU) 2016/679 as regards personal data by translating its principles into specific rules. If no specific rules are established in this Regulation, Regulation (EU) 2016/679 should apply to any processing of data that qualify as personal data. The provisions complement Regulation (EU) 2016/679 by setting forth rules regarding subject matters that are not within the scope of Regulation (EU) 2016/679, such as the protection of the rights of end-users who are legal persons. Processing of electronic communications data by providers of electronic communications services and networks should only be permitted in accordance with this Regulation. This Regulation does not impose any obligations on the end-user End-users who are legal persons may have rights conferred by Regulation (EU) 2016/679 to the extent specifically required by this Regulation
  • While the principles and main provisions of Directive 2002/58/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council remain generally sound, that Directive has not fully kept pace with the evolution of technological and market reality, resulting in an inconsistent or insufficient effective protection of privacy and confidentiality in relation to electronic communications. Those developments include the entrance on the market of electronic communications services that from a consumer perspective are substitutable to traditional services, but do not have to comply with the same set of rules. Another development concerns new techniques that allow for tracking of online behaviour of end-users, which are not covered by Directive 2002/58/EC. Directive 2002/58/EC should therefore be repealed and replaced by this Regulation.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Photo by Guillaume Périgois on Unsplash

Chopra Named CFPB Head

The CFPB will undoubtedly be a more muscular enforcer of financial services entities under  the FTC Commissioner nominated to head the agency, including with respect to privacy, data security, and cybersecurity.

Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Commissioner Rohit Chopra has been tapped by President-elect Joe Biden to lead the agency at which he oversaw the student loan market. Chopra’s nomination must be confirmed by the Senate to be the next Director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), an entity that possesses largely unused powers to police the cybersecurity, data security, and privacy practices of broad swaths of the United States (U.S.) economy. And given Chopra’s aggressive advocacy at the FTC to be more active and more muscular, it seems fair to assume the same will be true at the CFPB, awakening an entity that has been largely dormant under the Trump Administration except to the extent it employed a “light regulatory touch.” Of course, Chopra’s expected departure from the FTC likely means Biden will be able to name two FTC nominees in the near future and means he will name Commissioner Rebecca Kelly Slaughter as the next chair as she would be the only currently confirmed Democratic member of the FTC. Whether this designation will be on an acting basis or permanent basis remains to be seen.

In making the announcement, Biden’s transition team highlighted Chopra’s push “for aggressive remedies against lawbreaking companies, especially repeat offenders” and work “to increase scrutiny of dominant technology firms that pose risks to privacy, national security, and fair competition.” The press release added:

Chopra previously served as Assistant Director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, where he led the agency’s efforts on student loans. In 2011, the Secretary of the Treasury appointed him to serve as the CFPB’s Student Loan Ombudsman, a new position established in the financial reform law. He also served as a Special Advisor at the U.S. Department of Education.

In these roles, Chopra led efforts to spur competition in the student loan financing market, develop new tools for students and student loan borrowers to make smarter decisions, and secure hundreds of millions of dollars in refunds for borrowers victimized by unlawful conduct by loan servicers, debt collectors, and for-profit college chains.

Chopra used his powers as an FTC Commissioner to appeal to the majority Republicans to use the agency’s powers more forcefully in combatting privacy, data security, and antitrust abuses. For example, he voted against the FTC’s $5 billion settlement with Facebook and dissented, listing his reasons for breaking with the three Republican Commissioners:

  • Facebook’s violations were a direct result of the company’s behavioral advertising business model. The proposed settlement does little to change the business model or practices that led to the recidivism.
  • The $5 billion penalty is less than Facebook’s exposure from its illegal conduct, given its financial gains.
  • The proposed settlement lets Facebook off the hook for unspecified violations.
  • The grant of immunity for Facebook’s officers and directors is a giveaway.
  • The case against Facebook is about more than just privacy – it is also about the power to control and manipulate.

More recently, in June 2020, Chopra issued a statement on the a pair of reports required by Congress that articulate his view the FTC “must do more to use our existing authority and resources more effectively:”

1. Inventory and use the rulemaking authorities that Congress has already authorized.

Contrary to what many believe, the FTC has several relevant rulemaking authorities when it comes to data protection, but simply chooses not to use them. Rules do not need to create any new requirements for market participants. In fact, they can simply codify existing legal precedents and enforcement policy to give even more clarity on what the law requires. In addition, when rules are in place, it is much easier for the agency to obtain relief for those who are harmed and seek penalties to deter other bad actors. This can be far more efficient than chasing after the same problems year after year through no-money settlements.

2. Ensure that large firms face the same level of scrutiny we apply to smaller businesses.

To meaningfully deter data protection abuses and other wrongful conduct, the FTC must enforce the law equally. While we have taken a hard line against smaller violators in the data protection sphere, charging individual decisionmakers and wiping out their earnings, I am very concerned that the FTC uses a different standard for larger firms, like in the recent Facebook and YouTube matters.6 This is not only unfair to small firms, but also sends the unfortunate message that the largest corporations can avoid meaningful accountability for abuse and misuse of data.

3. Increase cooperation with state attorneys general and other regulators.

State attorneys general are the country’s front-line watchdogs when it comes to consumer protection, and many states have enacted privacy and data protection laws backed by strong remedial tools, including civil penalties. Partnering more frequently with state enforcers could significantly enhance the Commission’s effectiveness and make better use of taxpayer resources.

4. Hold third-party watchdogs accountable and guard against conflicts of interest.

The FTC typically orders lawbreaking companies to hire a third-party assessor to review privacy and security practices going forward. However, the Commission should not place too much faith in the efficacy of these third parties.

5. Reallocate resources.

While the Commission’s report has rightly noted to Congress that the number of employees working on data protection is inadequate, the Commissioners can vote to reallocate resources from other functions to increase our focus on data protection.

6. Investigate firms comprehensively across the FTC’s mission.

The FTC should use its authority to deter unfair and deceptive conduct in conjunction with our authority to deter unfair methods of competition. However, in the digital economy, the data that companies compete to obtain and utilize is also at the center of significant privacy and data security infractions.

7. Conduct more industry-wide studies under Section 6(b) of the FTC Act.

Surveillance-based advertising is a major driver of data-related abuses, but the Commission has not yet used its authority to compel information from major industry players to study these practices. The Commission should vote to issue orders to study how technology platforms engage in surveillance-based advertising.

Without doubt, Chopra will seek to read and exercise the CFPB’s powers as broadly as possible. For example, in a late October 2020 draft law review article, he and an attorney advisor Samuel Levine argued the FTC would use a dormant power to fill the gap in its enforcement authority left by the cases before the Supreme Court of the United States regarding the FTC’s injunctive powers under Section 13 of the FTC Act. They asserted:

  • [T]he agency should resurrect one of the key authorities abandoned in the 1980s: Section 5(m)(1)(B) of the FTC Act, the Penalty Offense Authority. The Penalty Offense Authority is a unique tool in commercial regulation. Typically, first- time offenses involving unfair or deceptive practices do not lead to civil penalties. However, if the Commission formally condemns these practices in a cease-and-desist order, they can become what we call “Penalty Offenses.” Other parties that commit these offenses with knowledge that they have been condemned by the Commission face financial penalties that can add up to a multiple of their illegal profits, rather than a fraction.
  • Using this authority, the Commission can substantially increase deterrence and reduce litigation risk by noticing whole industries of Penalty Offenses, exposing violators to significant civil penalties, while helping to ensure fairness for honest firms. This would dramatically improve the FTC’s effectiveness relative to our current approach, which relies almost entirely on Section 13(b) and no-money cease-and-desist orders, even in cases of blatant lawbreaking.

Should the FTC heed Chopra and Levine’s suggestion, the agency could threaten fines in the first instance of Section 5 violations for specific illegal practices the FTC has put regulated entities on notice about.

The CFPB’s organic statute is patterned on the FTC Act, particularly its bar on unfair or deceptive acts or practices (UDAP). However, the “Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act” (P.L. 111-203) that created the CFPB provided the agency “may take any action authorized under subtitle E to prevent a covered person or service provider from committing or engaging in an unfair, deceptive, or abusive act or practice (UDAAP) under Federal law in connection with any transaction with a consumer for a consumer financial product or service, or the offering of a consumer financial product or service.” While the CFPB may be limited in its jurisdiction, it has a more expansive regulatory remit that Chopra will almost certainly push to its maximum. Consequently, unfair, deceptive, and abusive practices in the financial services sector could, in his view, include privacy, cybersecurity, and data security practices that heretofore have been allowed by the CFPB could be subject to enforcement action. And while the current CFPB issued a 2020 policy statement regarding how it thinks the agency should use its authority to punish “abusive” practices, Chopra’s team will likely withdraw and rewrite this document.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by ArtTower from Pixabay

Australia Releases A Pair Of New Technology Laws

The Morrison government continues to take the lead in technology policy with new bill to expand surveillance powers.

With the introduction of last month’s “Surveillance Legislation Amendment (Identify and Disrupt) Bill 2020” last month, the government in Canberra is once again pushing technology policy for the Five Eyes nations and others. However, in doing so, the Liberal–National Coalition is proposing a further incursion into protected and encrypted communications, apps, software, and hardware in the name of law enforcement. This new legislation follows a 2018 law that allows the Australian government to order technology companies to assist in decrypting and handing over communications. Under the new bill, some of Australia‘s law enforcement agencies would be able to use new “data disruption warrants” to stop and interfere with online crimes. Additionally, agencies could use “network activity warrants” to surveil online criminal activity and may obtain “account takeover warrants” to seize online accounts to acquire evidence in the course of an investigation.

Like the new bill, the “Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act 2018” was enacted in December 2018. In mid-2020, Australia’s Independent National Security Legislation Monitor (INSLM) issued its report on “Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act 2018” (TOLA). The Parliamentary  Joint  Committee on Intelligence and Security had requested that the INSLM review the statute, and so INSLM engaged in a lengthy review, including input from the public. As explained in the report’s preface, the “INSLM independently reviews the operation, effectiveness and implications of national  security  and  counter-terrorism  laws;  and  considers  whether  the  laws  contain  appropriate  protections  for  individual  rights,  remain  proportionate  to  terrorism or national security threats, and remain necessary.”

INSLM claimed

In this report I reject the notion that there is a binary choice that must be made between the effectiveness of agencies’ surveillance powers in the digital age on the one hand and the security of the internet on the other. Rather, I conclude that what is necessary is a law which allows agencies to meet technological challenges, such as those caused by encryption, but in a proportionate way and with proper rights protection. Essentially this can be done by updating traditional safeguards to meet those same technological challenges – notably, those who are trusted to authorise intrusive search and surveillance powers must be able to understand the technological context in which those powers operate, and their consequences. If, but only if, the key recommendations I set out in this report in this regard are adopted, TOLA will be such a law.

INSLM stated “[t]he essential effects of TOLA are as follows:

a. Schedule 1 gives police and intelligence agencies new powers to agree or require significant industry assistance from communications providers.

b. Schedules 2, 3 and 4 update existing powers and, in some cases, extended them to new agencies. c. Schedule 5 gives the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) significant new powers to seek and receive both voluntary and compulsory assistance.

INSLM found

  • In relation to Schedule 1, for the reasons set out in greater detail in the report, Technical Assistance Notice (TANs) and Technical Capability Notice (TCNs) should be authorised by a body which is independent of the issuing agency or government. These are powers designed to compel a Designated Communications Provider (DCP) to reveal private information or data of its customers and therefore the usual practice of independent authorisation should apply.
  • I am satisfied that the computer access warrant and associated powers conferred by Schedule 2 are both necessary and proportionate, subject to some amendments.
  • I am generally satisfied that the powers conferred by Schedules 3 and 4 are both necessary and proportionate, but there are some matters that should be addressed and further monitored.
  • I have concluded that Schedule 5 should be amended to limit its breadth and clarify its scope.

Moreover, as the Office of Australia’s Information Commissioner (OAIC) wrote of TOLA, “[t]he powers permitted under the Act have the potential to significantly weaken important privacy rights and protections under the Privacy Act…[and] [t]he encryption technology that can obscure criminal communications and pose a threat to national security is the same technology used by ordinary citizens to exercise their legitimate rights to privacy.”

The new “Surveillance Legislation Amendment (Identify and Disrupt) Bill 2020” would “introduce new law enforcement powers to enhance the ability of the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC) to combat online serious crime” according to the Explanatory Memorandum issued along with the legislation.

This policy justification is being offered for the legislation:

  • Cyber-enabled serious and organised crime, often enabled by the dark web and other anonymising technologies, such as bespoke encrypted devices for criminal use, present a direct challenge to community safety and the rule of law. For example, on the dark web criminals carry out their activities with a lower risk of identification and apprehension. Many anonymising technologies and criminal methodologies can be combined for cumulative effect, meaning it is technically difficult, and time and resource intensive, for law enforcement to take effective action. Just as online criminals are constantly changing their operations and reacting to new environments, the law must adapt in order to give law enforcement agencies effective powers of response.
  • Existing electronic surveillance powers, while useful for revealing many aspects of online criminality, are not suitably adapted to identifying and disrupting targets where those targets are actively seeking to obscure their identity and the scope of their activities. Without the critical first step of being able to identify potential offenders, investigations into serious and organised criminality can fall at the first hurdle. Being able to understand the networks that criminals are involved in and how they conduct their crimes is also a crucial step toward prosecution.

The memorandum contains the following high-level summary of the legislation:

  • This Bill addresses gaps in the legislative framework to better enable the AFP and the ACIC to collect intelligence, conduct investigations, disrupt and prosecute the most serious of crimes, including child abuse and exploitation, terrorism, the sale of illicit drugs, human trafficking, identity theft and fraud, assassinations, and the distribution of weapons.
  • The Bill contains the necessary safeguards, including oversight mechanisms and controls on the use of information, to ensure that the AFP and the ACIC use these powers in a targeted and proportionate manner to minimise the potential impact on legitimate users of online platforms.
  • The Bill introduces three new powers for the AFP and the ACIC. They are:
    • Data disruption warrants to enable the AFP and the ACIC to disrupt data by modifying, adding, copying or deleting in order to frustrate the commission of serious offences online
    • Network activity warrants to allow agencies to collect intelligence on serious criminal activity being conducted by criminal networks, and
    • Account takeover warrants to provide the AFP and the ACIC with the ability to take control of a person’s online account for the purposes of gathering evidence to further a criminal investigation.

However, in using the “data disruption warrant,” the activities of the AFP and ACIC would be “covert” and these agencies could conceal their activities. And while these powers would not be used solely for the purpose of collecting evidence, the agencies may collect evidence in the course of altering, disrupting, adding, or deleting information. It seems probable that as with agencies in other nations, there will be a blurring of this line and this sort of warrant will at some point be used predominantly for collecting evidence perhaps with a fig leaf of intending to change some of the information.

In the Explanatory Memorandum, the Coalition uses the hammer of online child sexual material to justify the expansion of the government’s powers:

The purpose of the data disruption warrant is to offer an alternative action to the AFP and the ACIC, where the usual circumstances of investigation leading to prosecution are not necessarily the option guaranteeing the most effective outcome. For example, removing content or altering access to content (such as child exploitation material), could prevent the continuation of criminal activity by participants, and be the safest and most expedient option where those participants are in unknown locations or acting under anonymous or false identities.

Of course, these materials are plaguing the victims, relatives, and investigators of these crimes, but it bears note the data disruption warrant appears not to be limited to those instances. For example, cyber-crime is a massive problem, and so would this warrant be issued for those collecting, amassing, and selling credit card numbers? How about advocacy organizations that may have information on covert Australian government activities Canberra does not want exposed?

Only “eligible” judges or a “nominated Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) member” may issue a data disruption warrant on the basis of an officer’s reasonable grounds that:

  • one or more relevant offences are being, are about to be, or are likely to be, committed, and
  • those offences involve, or are likely to involve, data held in a computer, and
  • disruption of data held in the target computer is likely to substantially assist in frustrating the commission of one or more of the relevant offences previously specified that involve, or are likely to involve, data held in the target computer.

Likewise, for network activity warrants, the specter of online child sexual exploitation material is used to justify the establishment of a new criminal investigation power:

These warrants will be used to target criminal networks about which very little is known, for example where the AFP or the ACIC know that there is a group of persons using a particular online service or other electronic platform to carry out criminal activity but the details of that activity are unknown. Network activity warrants will allow agencies to target the activities of criminal networks to discover the scope of criminal offending and the identities of the people involved. For example, a group of people accessing a website hosting child exploitation material and making that material available for downloading or streaming, will be able to be targeted under a network activity warrant.

Consequently, this warrant is intended to defeat “anonymising technologies” used to mask the commission of crimes:

Network activity warrants will allow the AFP and the ACIC to access data in computers used, or likely to be used, by a criminal network over the life of the warrant. This means that data does not have to be stored on the devices, but can be temporarily linked, stored, or transited through them. This will ensure data that is unknown or unknowable at the time the warrant is issued can be discovered, including data held on devices that have disconnected from the network once the criminal activity has been carried out (for example, a person who disconnected from a website after downloading child exploitation material).

This seems to suggest this type of warrant would allow the AFP and ACIC to chase network activity, or really the data wherever it may go. Hence, if Microsoft is shuttling the data around the world data center to data center, and the AFP is holding such a warrant, it could follow these data legally from Sydney to Singapore to San Francisco.

The Coalition’s initial overview elided an aspect of this warrant that implicates encryption. Deeper in the Explanatory Memorandum, we learn:

The AFP and the ACIC will be authorised to add, copy, delete or alter data if necessary to access the relevant data to overcome security features like encryption. Data that is subject to some form of electronic protection may need to be copied and analysed before its relevancy or irrelevancy can be determined.

As a practical matter, this is how intelligence and law enforcement agencies around the world are taking on, and in most cases, circumventing encryption. But, this pushes the debate over encryption into new territory, for if even more agencies in Australia are working to disable or defeat encryption, it may be foreseeable that commercial, widely used encryption methods will be further weakened. And, as seen with the hack of the Central Intelligence Agency’s hacking tools and exploits, it is often just a matter of time before methods to defeat security in online communications are exposed.

As with data disruption warrants, network activity warrants can only be issued by “eligible” judges or nominated AAT member:

  • a group of individuals are engaging in or facilitating criminal activity constituting the commission of one or more relevant offences, and
  • access to data held in computers will substantially assist in the collection of intelligence about those criminal networks of individuals in respect of a matter that is relevant to the prevention, detection or frustration of one or more kinds of relevant offences.

While this warrant “will not be permitted to be used in evidence in criminal proceedings, other than for a breach of the secrecy provisions of the SD Act,” it “may, however, be the subject of derivative use, allowing it to be cited in an affidavit on application for another investigatory power, such as a computer access warrant or telecommunications interception warrant.” And so, information gathered pursuant to this type of warrant could be used for surveillance by Australia’s security services. And for this reason, the “Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security (IGIS) will have oversight responsibility for network activity warrants given their nature as an intelligence collection tool.”

The third warrant, the account takeover warrant, would “enable the AFP and the ACIC to take control of a person’s online account for the purposes of gathering evidence about serious offences.” Under current law, an account takeover may occur only with a person’s consent, and the unsaid implication is that a significant number of people and suspects are not willing to hand over control of their accounts. The threshold for obtaining this type of warrant seems lower as a “magistrate will need to be satisfied that there are reasonable grounds for suspicion that an account takeover is necessary for the purpose of enabling evidence to be obtained of a serious Commonwealth offence or a serious State offence that has a federal aspect.” What’s more, “[t]his power enables the action of taking control of the person’s account and locking the person out of the account.”

In a related development, the Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, and Communications (Department) has published a draft “Online Safety Bill” for consultation and is accepting input until 14 February 2021. The bill would modify four existing statutes that aim to protect people online and introduce a new regulatory scheme.

The Department claimed in its press statement the legislation:

  • The provisions in the Enhancing Online Safety Act 2015 (EOSA) that are working well to protect Australians from online harms, such as the image-based abuse scheme;
  • A set of core basic online safety expectations for social media services, relevant electronic services and designated internet services, clearly stating community expectations, with mandatory reporting requirements;
  • An enhanced cyberbullying scheme for Australian children to capture a range of online services, not just social media platforms;
  • A new cyber abuse scheme for Australian adults, to facilitate the removal of serious online abuse and harassment;
  • A modernised online content scheme, to replace the schemes in Schedules 5 and 7 of the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 (BSA). The Bill will create new classes of harmful online content and will reinvigorate out of date industry codes to address such content;
  • New abhorrent violent material blocking arrangements that allow the eSafety Commissioner to respond rapidly to an online crisis event such as the Christchurch terrorist attacks, by requesting internet service providers block access to sites hosting seriously harmful content; and
  • Consistent take-down requirements for image-based abuse, cyber abuse, cyberbullying and harmful online content, requiring online service providers to remove such material within 24 hours of receiving a notice from the eSafety Commissioner.

In a Reading Guide, the Department asserted “[t]he Bill proposes five schemes to deal with different types of harmful online material. Four already exist in law (but are being appropriately updated)…[and] [o]ne is new – the adult cyber abuse scheme:

  • Cyber-bullying Scheme – Provides for the removal of material that is harmful to Australian children. This scheme reflects the current regime in the Enhancing Online Safety Act (EOSA), however reduces the take-down time for such material from 48 hours to 24 hours and extends the scheme to more services.
  • Adult Cyber-abuse Scheme – Provides for the removal of material that seriously harms Australian adults. This scheme is new. It extends similar protections in the cyber-bullying scheme to adults, however with a higher threshold of ‘harm’ to reflect adults’ higher levels of resilience.
  • Image-based Abuse Scheme – Provides for the removal of intimate images shared without the depicted person’s consent. This scheme reflects the current regime in the EOSA, however reduces the take-down time for such material from 48 hours to 24 hours.
  • Online Content Scheme – Provides for the removal of harmful material in certain circumstances. This scheme reflects and simplifies the current regime in Schedules 5 and 7 of the BSA, with some clarifications of material and providers of services captured by the scheme, and extending the eSafety Commissioner’s take-down powers for some material to international services in some circumstances.
  • Abhorrent Violent Material Blocking Scheme – Provides for the blocking of abhorrent violent material, such as images or video of terrorist attacks. This scheme is new, but mirrors existing legislation in the Criminal Code Act 1995 (the Criminal Code).

Not surprisingly, under the bill, providers of online services and materials will have increased obligations. The Department stated “[t]he Basic Online Safety Expectations (BOSE) framework is an enhancement of the basic online safety requirements, coupled with new powers for the eSafety Commissioner to require service providers to report on compliance with the BOSE.” The Department explained that BOSE “will include, in legislation, core expectations that:

  • End-users are able to access services in a safe manner;
  • The extent of harmful material is minimized;
  • Technological or other measures are in effect to prevent access by children to class 2 materials; and
  • There are clear and readily identifiable mechanisms that enable end-users to report and make complaints about harmful material.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by RobertDychto from Pixabay

Preview of Senate Democratic Chairs

It’s not clear who will end up where, but new Senate chairs will change focus and agenda of committees and debate over the next two years.

With the victories of Senators-elect Rafael Warnock (D-GA) and Jon Ossoff (D-GA), control of the United States Senate will tip to the Democrats once Vice President-elect Kamala Harris (D) is sworn in and can break the 50-50 tie in the chamber in favor of the Democrats. With the shift in control, new chairs will take over committees key to setting the agenda over the next two years in the Senate. However, given the filibuster, and the fact that Senate Republicans will exert maximum leverage through its continued use, Democrats will be hamstrung and forced to work with Republicans on matters such as federal privacy legislation, artificial intelligence (AI), the Internet of Things (IOT), cybersecurity, data flows, surveillance, etc. just as Republicans have had to work with Democrats over the six years they controlled the chamber. Having said that, Democrats will be in a stronger position than they had been and will have the power to set the agenda in committee hearings, being empowered to call the lion’s share of witnesses and to control the floor agenda. What’s more, Democrats will be poised to confirm President-elect Joe Biden’s nominees at agencies like the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), Federal Trade Commission (FTC), the Department of Justice (DOJ), and others, giving the Biden Administration a free hand in many areas of technology policy.

All of that being said, this is not meant to be an exhaustive look at all the committees of jurisdiction and possible chairs. Rather, it seeks to survey likely chairs on selected committees and some of their priorities for the next two years. Subcommittee chairs will also be important, but until the cards get shuffled among the chairs, it will not be possible to see where they land at the subcommittee level.

When considering the possible Democratic chairs of committees, one must keep in mind it is often a matter of musical chairs with the most senior members getting first choice. And so, with Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT) as the senior-most Democratic Senator, he may well choose to leave the Appropriations Committee and move back to assume the gavel of the Judiciary Committee. Leahy has long been a stakeholder on antitrust, data security, privacy, and surveillance legislation and would be in a position to influence what bills on those and other matters before the Senate look like. If Leahy does not move to the chair on Judiciary, he may still be entitled to chair a subcommittee and exert influence.

If Leahy stays put, then current Senate Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-IL) would be poised to leapfrog Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) to chair Judiciary after Feinstein was persuaded to step aside on account of her lackluster performance in a number of high-profile hearings in 2020. Durbin has also been active on privacy, data security, and surveillance issues. The Judiciary Committee will be central to a number of technology policies, including Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act reauthorization, privacy legislation, Section 230 reform, antitrust, and others. On the Republican side of the dais, Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) leaving the top post because of term limit restrictions imposed by Republicans, and Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA) is set to replace him. How this changes the 47 USC 230 (Section 230) debate is not immediately clear. And yet, Grassley and three colleagues recently urged the Trump Administration in a letter to omit language in a trade agreement with the United Kingdom (UK) that mirrors the liability protection Section 230. Senators Rob Portman (R-OH), Mark R. Warner (D-VA), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), and Grassley argued to U.S. Trade Representative Ambassador Robert Lighthizer that a “safe harbor” like the one provided to technology companies for hosting or moderating third party content is outdated, not needed in a free trade agreement, contrary to the will of both the Congress and UK Parliament, and likely to be changed legislatively in the near future. It is likely, however, Grassley will fall in with other Republicans propagating the narrative that social media is unfairly biased against conservatives, particularly in light of the recent purge of President Donald Trump for his many, repeated violations of policy.

The Senate Judiciary Committee will be central in any policy discussions of antitrust and anticompetition in the technology realm. But it bears note the filibuster (and the very low chances Senate Democrats would “go nuclear” and remove all vestiges of the functional supermajority requirement to pass legislation) will give Republicans leverage to block some of the more ambitious reforms Democrats might like to enact (e.g. the House Judiciary Committee’s October 2020 final report that calls for nothing less than a complete remaking of United States (U.S.) antitrust policy and law; see here for more analysis.)

It seems Senator Sherrod Brown (D-OH) will be the next chair of the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Development Committee which has jurisdiction over cybersecurity, data security, privacy, and other issues in the financial services sector, making it a player on any legislation designed to encompass the whole of the United States economy. Having said that, it may again be the case that sponsors of, say, privacy legislation decide to cut the Gordian knot of jurisdictional turf battles by cutting out certain committees. For example, many of the privacy bills had provisions making clear they would deem financial services entities in compliance with the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999 (P.L. 106-102) (aka Gramm-Leach-Bliley) to be in compliance with the new privacy regime. I suppose these provisions may have been included on the basis of the very high privacy and data security standards Gramm-Leach-Bliley has brought about (e.g. the Experian hack), or sponsors of federal privacy legislation made the strategic calculation to circumvent the Senate Banking Committee as much as they can. Nonetheless, this committee has sought to insert itself into the policymaking process on privacy last year as Brown and outgoing Chair Mike Crapo (R-ID) requested “feedback” in February 2019 “from interested stakeholders on the collection, use and protection of sensitive information by financial regulators and private companies.” Additionally, Brown released what may be the most expansive privacy bill from the perspective of privacy and civil liberties advocates, the “Data Accountability and Transparency Act of 2020” in June 2020 (see here for my analysis.) Therefore, Brown may continue to push for a role in federal privacy legislation with a gavel in his hands.

In a similar vein, Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) will likely take over the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee which has jurisdiction over health information privacy and data security through the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA) and the Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health Act of 2009 (HITECH Act). Again, as with the Senate Banking Committee and Gramm-Leach-Bliley, most of the privacy bills exempt HIPAA-compliant entities. And yet, even if her committee is cut out of a direct role in privacy legislation, Murray will still likely exert influence through oversight of and possible legislation changing HIPAA regulations and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) enforcement and rewriting of these standards for most of the healthcare industry. For example, HHS is rushing a rewrite of the HIPAA regulations at the tail end of the Trump Administration, and Murray could be in a position to inform how the Biden Administration and Secretary of Health and Human Services-designate Xavier Berra handles this rulemaking. Additionally, Murray may push the Office of Civil Rights (OCR), the arm of HHS that writes and enforces these regulations, to prioritize matters differently.

Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA) appears to be the next chair of the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee and arguably the largest technology portfolio in the Senate. It is the primary committee of jurisdiction for the FCC, FTC, National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), and the Department of Commerce. Cantwell may exert influence on which people are nominated to head and staff those agencies and others. Her committee is also the primary committee of jurisdiction for domestic and international privacy and data protection matters. And so, federal privacy legislation will likely be drafted by this committee, and legislative changes so the U.S. can enter into a new personal data sharing agreement with the European Union (EU) would also likely involve her and her committee.

Cantwell and likely next Ranking Member Roger Wicker (R-MS) agree on many elements of federal privacy law but were at odds last year on federal preemption and whether people could sue companies for privacy violations. Between them, they circulated three privacy bills. In September 2020, Wicker and three Republican colleagues introduced the “Setting an American Framework to Ensure Data Access, Transparency, and Accountability (SAFE DATA) Act” (S.4626) (see here for more analysis). Wicker had put out for comment a discussion draft, the “Consumer Data Privacy Act of 2019” (CDPA) (See here for analysis) in November 2019 shortly after the Ranking Member on the committee, Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA) and other Democrats had introduced their privacy bill, the “Consumer Online Privacy Rights Act“ (COPRA) (S.2968) (See here for more analysis).

Cantwell could also take a leading role on Section 230, but her focus, of late, seems to be on how technology companies are wreaking havoc to traditional media. released a report that she has mentioned during her opening statement at the 23 September hearing aimed at trying to revive data privacy legislation. She and her staff investigated the decline and financial troubles of local media outlets, which are facing a cumulative loss in advertising revenue of up to 70% since 2000. And since advertising revenue has long been the life blood of print journalism, this has devastated local media with many outlets shutting their doors or radically cutting their staff. This trend has been exacerbated by consolidation in the industry, often in concert with private equity or hedge funds looking to wring the last dollars of value from bargain basement priced newspapers. Cantwell also claimed that the overwhelming online advertising dominance of Google and Facebook has further diminished advertising revenue and other possible sources of funding through a variety of means. She intimates that much of this content may be illegal under U.S. law, and the FTC may well be able to use its Section 5 powers against unfair and deceptive acts and its anti-trust authority to take action. (see here for more analysis and context.) In this vein, Cantwell will want her committee to play in any antitrust policy changes, likely knowing massive changes in U.S. law are not possible in a split Senate with entrenched party positions and discipline.

Senator Jack Reed (D-RI) will take over the Senate Armed Services Committee and its portfolio over national security technology policy that includes the cybersecurity, data protection and supply chain of national security agencies and their contractors, AI, offensive and defensive U.S. cyber operations, and other realms. Much of the changes Reed and his committee will seek to make will be through the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) (see here and here for the many technology provisions in the FY 2021 NDAA.) Reed may also prod the Department of Defense (DOD) to implement or enforce the Cybersecurity Maturity Model Certification (CMMC) Framework differently than envisioned and designed by the Trump Administration. In December 2020, a new rule took effect designed to drive better cybersecurity among U.S. defense contractors. This rule brings together two different lines of effort to require the Defense Industrial Base (DIB) to employ better cybersecurity given the risks they face by holding and using classified information, Federal Contract Information (FCI) and Controlled Unclassified Information (CUI). The Executive Branch has long wrestled with how to best push contractors to secure their systems, and Congress and the White House have opted for using federal contract requirements in that contractors must certify compliance. However, the most recent initiative, the CMMC Framework will require contractors to be certified by third party assessors. And yet, it is not clear the DOD has wrestled with the often-misaligned incentives present in third party certification schemes.

Reed’s committee will undoubtedly delve deep into the recent SolarWinds hack and implement policy changes to avoid a reoccurrence. Doing so may lead the Senate Armed Services Committee back to reconsidering the Cyberspace Solarium Commission’s (CSC) March 2020 final report and follow up white papers, especially their views embodied in “Building a Trusted ICT Supply Chain.”

Senator Mark Warner (D-VA) will likely take over the Senate Intelligence Committee. Warner has long been a stakeholder on a number of technology issues and would be able to exert influence on the national security components of such issues. He and his committee will almost certainly play a role in the Congressional oversight of and response to the SolarWinds hack. Likewise, his committee shares jurisdiction over FISA with the Senate Judiciary Committee and over national security technology policy with the Armed Services Committee.

Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) would be the Senate Democratic point person on election security from her perch at the Senate Rules and Administration Committee, which may enable her to more forcefully push for the legislative changes she has long advocated for. In May 2019, Klobuchar and other Senate Democrats introduced the “Election Security Act” (S. 1540), the Senate version of the stand-alone measure introduced in the House that was taken from the larger package, the “For the People Act” (H.R. 1) passed by the House.

In August 2018, the Senate Rules and Administration Committee postponed indefinitely a markup on a compromise bill to provide states additional assistance in securing elections from interference, the “The Secure Elections Act” (S.2593). Reportedly, there was concern among state officials that a provision requiring audits of election results would be in effect an unfunded mandate even though this provision was softened at the insistence of Senate Republican leadership. However, a Trump White House spokesperson indicated in a statement that the Administration opposed the bill, which may have posed an additional obstacle to Committee action. However, even if the Senate had passed its bill, it was unlikely that the Republican controlled House would have considered companion legislation (H.R. 6663).

Senator Gary Peters (D-MI) may be the next chair of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, and if so, he will continue to face the rock on which many the bark of cybersecurity legislation has been dashed: Senator Ron Johnson (R-WI). So significant has Johnson’s opposition been to bipartisan cybersecurity legislation from the House, some House Republican stakeholders have said so in media accounts not bothering to hide in anonymity. And so whatever Peters’ ambitions may be to shore up the cybersecurity of the federal government as his committee will play a role in investigating and responding to the Russian hack of SolarWinds and many federal agencies, he will be limited by whatever Johnson and other Republicans will allow to move through the committee and through the Senate. Of course, Peters’ purview would include the Department of Homeland Security and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) and its remit to police the cybersecurity practices of the federal government. Peters would also have in his portfolio the information technology (IT) practices of the federal government, some $90 billion annually across all agencies.

Finally, whether it be Leahy or Durbin at the Senate Appropriations Committee, this post allows for immense influence in funding and programmatic changes in all federal programs through the power of the purse Congress holds.

Sponsors Take A New Run At Privacy Law in Washington State

Perhaps the third time is the charm? Legislators seek to pass a privacy law in Washington state for the third year in a row.

A group of Senators in Washington state’s Senate have introduced a slightly altered version of a privacy bill they floated last summer. A committee of jurisdiction will hold a hearing on 14 January 2021 on SB 5062. Of course, this would mark the third year in a row legislators have tried to enact the Washington privacy act. The new bill (SB 5062) tracks closely with the two bills produced by the Washington Senate and House last year lawmakers could not ultimately reconcile. However, there are no provisions on facial recognition technology, which was largely responsible for sinking a privacy bill in Washington State two years ago. The sponsors have also taken the unusual step of appending language covering the collection and processing of personal data to combat infectious diseases like COVID-19.

I analyzed the discussion draft that Washington State Senator Reuven Carlyle (D-Seattle) released over the summer, and so I will not recite everything about the new bill. It should suffice to highlight the differences between the discussion draft and the introduced legislation. Big picture, the bill still uses the concepts of data controllers and processors most famously enshrined in the European Union’s (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). Like other privacy bills, generally, people in Washington State would not need to consent before an entity could collect and process its information. People would be able to opt out of some activities, but most could data collection and processing could still occur as it presently does.

The date on which the bill would take effect was pushed aback from 120 days in the discussion draft to 31 July 2022 in the introduced bill. While SB 5062 would cover non-profits, institutions of higher education, airlines, and others unlike the discussion draft, the effective date for the bill to cover would be 31 July 2026. The right of a person to access personal data a controller is processing is narrowed slightly in that it would no longer be the personal data the controller has but rather categories of personal data. The time controllers would have to respond to a certain class of request would be decreased from 45 to 15 days. This class includes requests to opt out of targeted advertising, the sale of personal data, and any profiling in furtherance of decisions with legal effects. Section 106’s requirement that processors have reasonable security measures has been massaged, rephrased and possibly weakened a bit.

One of the activities controllers and processors could undertake without meeting the requirements of the act was removed. Notably, they will no longer be able to “conduct internal research solely to improve or repair products, services, or technology.” There is also a clarification that using any of the exemptions in Section 110 does not make an entity a controller for purposes of the bill. There is a new requirement that the State Office of Privacy and Data Protection must examine current technology that allows for mass or global opt out or opt in and then report to the legislature. Finally, two of the Congressional stakeholders on privacy and data security hail from Washington state, and consideration and possible passage of a state law may limit their latitude on a federal bill they could support. Senator Maria Cantwell (D-WA) and Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-WA), who are the ranking members of the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee and House Energy and Commerce Committee respectively, are expected to be involved in drafting their committee’s privacy bills, and a Washington state statute may affect their positions in much the same the “California Consumer Privacy Act” (CCPA) (AB 375) has informed a number of California Members’ position on privacy legislation, especially with respect to bills being seen as weaker than the CCPA.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by Kranich17 from Pixabay

Further Reading, Other Developments, and Coming Events (12 January 2021)

Further Reading

  • Biden’s NSC to focus on global health, climate, cyber and human rights, as well as China and Russia” By Karen DeYoung — The Washington Post. Like almost every incoming White House, the Biden team has announced a restructuring of the National Security Council (NSC) to better effectuate the President-elect’s policy priorities. To not surprise, the volume on cybersecurity policy will be turned up. Other notable change is plans to take “cross-cutting” approaches to issues that will likely meld foreign and domestic and national security and civil issues, meaning there could be a new look on offensive cyber operations, for example. It is possible President Biden decides to put the genie back in the bottle, so to speak, by re-imposing an interagency decision-making process as opposed to the Trump Administration’s approach of delegating discretion to the National Security Agency/Cyber Command head. Also, the NSC will focus on emerging technology, a likely response to the technology arms race the United States finds itself in against the People’s Republic of China.
  • Exclusive: Pandemic relief aid went to media that promoted COVID misinformation” By Caitlin Dickson — yahoo! news. The consulting firm Alethea Group and the nonprofit Global Disinformation Index are claiming the COVID stimulus Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) provided loans and assistance to five firms that “were publishing false or misleading information about the pandemic, thus profiting off the infodemic” according to an Alethea Group vice president. This report follows an NBC News article claiming that 14 white supremacist and racist organizations have also received PPP loans. The Alethea Group and Global Disinformation Index named five entities who took PPP funds and kept spreading pandemic misinformation: Epoch Media Group, Newsmax Media, The Federalist, Liftable Media, and Prager University.
  • Facebook shuts Uganda accounts ahead of vote” — France24. The social media company shuttered a number of Facebook and Instagram accounts related to government officials in Uganda ahead of an election on account of “Coordinated Inauthentic Behaviour” (CIB). This follows the platform shutting down accounts related to the French Army and Russia seeking to influence events in Africa. These and other actions may indicate the platform is starting to pay the same attention to the non-western world as at least one former employee has argued the platform was negligent at best and reckless at worst in not properly resourcing efforts to police CIB throughout the Third World.
  • China tried to punish European states for Huawei bans by adding eleventh-hour rule to EU investment deal” By Finbarr Bermingham — South China Morning Post. At nearly the end of talks on a People’s Republic of China (PRC)-European Union (EU) trade deal, PRC negotiators tried slipping in language that would have barred entry to the PRC’s cloud computing market to any country or company from a country that restricts Huawei’s services and products. This is alternately being seen as either standard Chinese negotiating tactics or an attempt to avenge the thwarting of the crown jewel in its telecommunications ambitions.
  • Chinese regulators to push tech giants to share consumer credit data – sources” By Julie Zhu — Reuters. Ostensibly in a move to better manage the risks of too much unsafe lending, tech giants in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will soon need to share data on consumer loans. It seems inevitable that such data will be used by Beijing to further crack down on undesirable people and elements within the PRC.
  • The mafia turns social media influencer to reinforce its brand” By Miles Johnson — The Financial Times. Even Italy’s feared ’Ndrangheta is creating and curating a social media presence.

Other Developments

  • President Donald Trump signed an executive order (EO) that bans eight applications from the People’s Republic of China on much the same grounds as the EOs prohibiting TikTok and WeChat. If this EO is not rescinded by the Biden Administration, federal courts may block its implementation as has happened with the TikTok and WeChat EOs to date. Notably, courts have found that the Trump Administration exceeded its authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), which may also be an issue in the proposed prohibition on Alipay, CamScanner, QQ Wallet, SHAREit, Tencent QQ, VMate, WeChat Pay, and WPS Office. Trump found:
    • that additional steps must be taken to deal with the national emergency with respect to the information and communications technology and services supply chain declared in Executive Order 13873 of May 15, 2019 (Securing the Information and Communications Technology and Services Supply Chain).  Specifically, the pace and pervasiveness of the spread in the United States of certain connected mobile and desktop applications and other software developed or controlled by persons in the People’s Republic of China, to include Hong Kong and Macau (China), continue to threaten the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States.  At this time, action must be taken to address the threat posed by these Chinese connected software applications.
    • Trump directed that within 45 days of issuance of the EO, there shall be a prohibition on “any transaction by any person, or with respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, with persons that develop or control the following Chinese connected software applications, or with their subsidiaries, as those transactions and persons are identified by the Secretary of Commerce (Secretary) under subsection (e) of this section: Alipay, CamScanner, QQ Wallet, SHAREit, Tencent QQ, VMate, WeChat Pay, and WPS Office.”
  • The Government Accountability Office (GAO) issued its first statutorily required annual assessment of how well the United States Department of Defense (DOD) is managing its major information technology (IT) procurements. The DOD spent more than $36 billion of the $90 billion the federal government was provided for IT in FY 2020. The GAO was tasked with assessing how well the DOD did in using iterative development, managing costs and schedules, and implementing cybersecurity measures. The GAO found progress in the first two realms but a continued lag in deploying long recommended best practices to ensure the security of the IT the DOD buys or builds. Nonetheless, the GAO focused on 15 major IT acquisitions that qualify as administrative (i.e. “business”) and communications and information security (i.e. “non-business.”) While there were no explicit recommendations made, the GAO found:
    • Ten of the 15 selected major IT programs exceeded their planned schedules, with delays ranging from 1 month for the Marine Corps’ CAC2S Inc 1 to 5 years for the Air Force’s Defense Enterprise Accounting and Management System-Increment 1.
    • …eight of the 10 selected major IT programs that had tested their then-current technical performance targets reported having met all of their targets…. As of December 2019, four programs had not yet conducted testing activities—Army’s ACWS, Air Force’s AFIPPS Inc 1, Air Force’s MROi, and Navy ePS. Testing data for one program, Air Force’s ISPAN Inc 4, were classified.
    • …officials from the 15 selected major IT programs we reviewed reported using software development approaches that may help to limit risks to cost and schedule outcomes. For example, major business IT programs reported using COTS software. In addition, most programs reported using an iterative software development approach and using a minimum deployable product. With respect to cybersecurity practices, all the programs reported developing cybersecurity strategies, but programs reported mixed experiences with respect to conducting cybersecurity testing. Most programs reported using operational cybersecurity testing, but less than half reported conducting developmental cybersecurity testing. In addition, programs that reported conducting cybersecurity vulnerability assessments experienced fewer increases in planned program costs and fewer schedule delays. Programs also reported a variety of challenges associated with their software development and cybersecurity staff.
    • 14 of the 15 programs reported using an iterative software development approach which, according to leading practices, may help reduce cost growth and deliver better results to the customer. However, programs also reported using an older approach to software development, known as waterfall, which could introduce risk for program cost growth because of its linear and sequential phases of development that may be implemented over a longer period of time. Specifically, two programs reported using a waterfall approach in conjunction with an iterative approach, while one was solely using a waterfall approach.
    • With respect to cybersecurity, programs reported mixed implementation of specific practices, contributing to program risks that might impact cost and schedule outcomes. For example, all 15 programs reported developing cybersecurity strategies, which are intended to help ensure that programs are planning for and documenting cybersecurity risk management efforts.
    • In contrast, only eight of the 15 programs reported conducting cybersecurity vulnerability assessments—systematic examinations of an information system or product intended to, among other things, determine the adequacy of security measures and identify security deficiencies. These eight programs experienced fewer increases in planned program costs and fewer schedule delays relative to the programs that did not report using cybersecurity vulnerability assessments.
  • The United States (U.S.) Department of Energy gave notice of a “Prohibition Order prohibiting the acquisition, importation, transfer, or installation of specified bulk-power system (BPS) electric equipment that directly serves Critical Defense Facilities (CDFs), pursuant to Executive Order 13920.” (See here for analysis of the executive order.) The Department explained:
    • Executive Order No. 13920 of May 1, 2020, Securing the United States Bulk-Power System (85 FR 26595 (May 4, 2020)) (E.O. 13920) declares that threats by foreign adversaries to the security of the BPS constitute a national emergency. A current list of such adversaries is provided in a Request for Information (RFI), issued by the Department of Energy (Department or DOE) on July 8, 2020 seeking public input to aid in its implementation of E.O. 13920. The Department has reason to believe, as detailed below, that the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC or China), one of the listed adversaries, is equipped and actively planning to undermine the BPS. The Department has thus determined that certain BPS electric equipment or programmable components subject to China’s ownership, control, or influence, constitute undue risk to the security of the BPS and to U.S. national security. The purpose of this Order is to prohibit the acquisition, importation, transfer, or subsequent installation of such BPS electric equipment or programmable components in certain sections of the BPS.
  • The United States’ (U.S.) Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) added the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (SMIC) to its Entity List in a move intended to starve the company of key U.S. technology needed to manufacture high end semiconductors. Therefore, any U.S. entity wishing to do business with SMIC will need a license which the Trump Administration may not be likely to grant. The Department of Commerce explained in its press release:
    • The Entity List designation limits SMIC’s ability to acquire certain U.S. technology by requiring U.S. exporters to apply for a license to sell to the company.  Items uniquely required to produce semiconductors at advanced technology nodes—10 nanometers or below—will be subject to a presumption of denial to prevent such key enabling technology from supporting China’s military-civil fusion efforts.
    • BIS also added more than sixty other entities to the Entity List for actions deemed contrary to the national security or foreign policy interest of the United States.  These include entities in China that enable human rights abuses, entities that supported the militarization and unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, entities that acquired U.S.-origin items in support of the People’s Liberation Army’s programs, and entities and persons that engaged in the theft of U.S. trade secrets.
    • As explained in the Federal Register notice:
      • SMIC is added to the Entity List as a result of China’s military-civil fusion (MCF) doctrine and evidence of activities between SMIC and entities of concern in the Chinese military industrial complex. The Entity List designation limits SMIC’s ability to acquire certain U.S. technology by requiring exporters, reexporters, and in-country transferors of such technology to apply for a license to sell to the company. Items uniquely required to produce semiconductors at advanced technology nodes 10 nanometers or below will be subject to a presumption of denial to prevent such key enabling technology from supporting China’s military modernization efforts. This rule adds SMIC and the following ten entities related to SMIC: Semiconductor Manufacturing International (Beijing) Corporation; Semiconductor Manufacturing International (Tianjin) Corporation; Semiconductor Manufacturing International (Shenzhen) Corporation; SMIC Semiconductor Manufacturing (Shanghai) Co., Ltd.; SMIC Holdings Limited; Semiconductor Manufacturing South China Corporation; SMIC Northern Integrated Circuit Manufacturing (Beijing) Co., Ltd.; SMIC Hong Kong International Company Limited; SJ Semiconductor; and Ningbo Semiconductor International Corporation (NSI).
  • The United States’ (U.S.) Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) amended its Export Administration Regulations “by adding a new ‘Military End User’ (MEU) List, as well as the first tranche of 103 entities, which includes 58 Chinese and 45 Russian companies” per its press release. The Department asserted:
    • The U.S. Government has determined that these companies are ‘military end users’ for purposes of the ‘military end user’ control in the EAR that applies to specified items for exports, reexports, or transfers (in-country) to the China, Russia, and Venezuela when such items are destined for a prohibited ‘military end user.’
  • The Australia Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) rolled out another piece of the Consumer Data Right (CDR) scheme under the Competition and Consumer Act 2010, specifically accreditation guidelines “to provide information and guidance to assist applicants with lodging a valid application to become an accredited person” to whom Australians may direct data holders share their data. The ACCC explained:
    • The CDR aims to give consumers more access to and control over their personal data.
    • Being able to easily and efficiently share data will improve consumers’ ability to compare and switch between products and services and encourage competition between service providers, leading to more innovative products and services for consumers and the potential for lower prices.
    • Banking is the first sector to be brought into the CDR.
    • Accredited persons may receive a CDR consumer’s data from a data holder at the request and consent of the consumer. Any person, in Australia or overseas, who wishes to receive CDR data to provide products or services to consumers under the CDR regime, must be accredited
  • Australia’s government has released its “Data Availability and Transparency Bill 2020” that “establishes a new data sharing scheme for federal government data, underpinned by strong safeguards to mitigate risks and simplified processes to make it easier to manage data sharing requests” according to the summary provided in Parliament by the government’s point person. In the accompanying “Explanatory Memorandum,” the following summary was provided:
    • The Bill establishes a new data sharing scheme which will serve as a pathway and regulatory framework for sharing public sector data. ‘Sharing’ involves providing controlled access to data, as distinct from open release to the public.
    • To oversee the scheme and support best practice, the Bill creates a new independent regulator, the National Data Commissioner (the Commissioner). The Commissioner’s role is modelled on other regulators such as the Australian Information Commissioner, with whom the Commissioner will cooperate.
    • The data sharing scheme comprises the Bill and disallowable legislative instruments (regulations, Minister-made rules, and any data codes issued by the Commissioner). The Commissioner may also issue non-legislative guidelines that participating entities must have regard to, and may release other guidance as necessary.
    • Participants in the scheme are known as data scheme entities:
      • Data custodians are Commonwealth bodies that control public sector data, and have the right to deal with that data.
      • Accredited users are entities accredited by the Commissioner to access to public sector data. To become accredited, entities must satisfy the security, privacy, infrastructure and governance requirements set out in the accreditation framework.
      • Accredited data service providers (ADSPs) are entities accredited by the Commissioner to perform data services such as data integration. Government agencies and users will be able to draw upon ADSPs’ expertise to help them to share and use data safely.
    • The Bill does not compel sharing. Data custodians are responsible for assessing each sharing request, and deciding whether to share their data if satisfied the risks can be managed.
    • The data sharing scheme contains robust safeguards to ensure sharing occurs in a consistent and transparent manner, in accordance with community expectations. The Bill authorises data custodians to share public sector data with accredited users, directly or through an ADSP, where:
      • Sharing is for a permitted purpose – government service delivery, informing government policy and programs, or research and development;
      • The data sharing principles have been applied to manage the risks of sharing; and
      • The terms of the arrangement are recorded in a data sharing agreement.
    • Where the above requirements are met, the Bill provides limited statutory authority to share public sector data, despite other Commonwealth, State and Territory laws that prevent sharing. This override of non-disclosure laws is ‘limited’ because it occurs only when the Bill’s requirements are met, and only to the extent necessary to facilitate sharing.
  • The United Kingdom’s Competition and Markets Authority’s (CMA) is asking interested parties to provide input on the proposed acquisition of British semiconductor company by a United States (U.S.) company before it launches a formal investigation later this year. However, CMA is limited to competition considerations, and any national security aspects of the proposed deal would need to be investigated by Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s government. CMA stated:
    • US-based chip designer and producer NVIDIA Corporation (NVIDIA) plans to purchase the Intellectual Property Group business of UK-based Arm Limited (Arm) in a deal worth $40 billion. Arm develops and licenses intellectual property (IP) and software tools for chip designs. The products and services supplied by the companies support a wide range of applications used by businesses and consumers across the UK, including desktop computers and mobile devices, game consoles and vehicle computer systems.
    • CMA added:
      • The CMA will look at the deal’s possible effect on competition in the UK. The CMA is likely to consider whether, following the takeover, Arm has an incentive to withdraw, raise prices or reduce the quality of its IP licensing services to NVIDIA’s rivals.
  • The Israeli firm, NSO Group, has been accused by an entity associated with a British university of using real-time cell phone data to sell its COVID-19 contact tracing app, Fleming, in ways that may have broken the laws of a handful of nations. Forensic Architecture,  a research agency, based at Goldsmiths, University of London, argued:
    • In March 2020, with the rise of COVID-19, Israeli cyber-weapons manufacturer NSO Group launched a contact-tracing technology named ‘Fleming’. Two months later, a database belonging to NSO’s Fleming program was found unprotected online. It contained more than five hundred thousand datapoints for more than thirty thousand distinct mobile phones. NSO Group denied there was a security breach. Forensic Architecture received and analysed a sample of the exposed database, which suggested that the data was based on ‘real’ personal data belonging to unsuspecting civilians, putting their private information in risk
    • Forensic Architecture added:
      • Leaving a database with genuine location data unprotected is a serious violation of the applicable data protection laws. That a surveillance company with access to personal data could have overseen this breach is all the more concerning.
      • This could constitute a violation of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) based on where the database was discovered as well as the laws of the nations where NSO Group allegedly collected personal data
    • The NSO Group denied the claims and was quoted by Tech Crunch:
      • “We have not seen the supposed examination and have to question how these conclusions were reached. Nevertheless, we stand by our previous response of May 6, 2020. The demo material was not based on real and genuine data related to infected COVID-19 individuals,” said an unnamed spokesperson. (NSO’s earlier statement made no reference to individuals with COVID-19.)
      • “As our last statement details, the data used for the demonstrations did not contain any personally identifiable information (PII). And, also as previously stated, this demo was a simulation based on obfuscated data. The Fleming system is a tool that analyzes data provided by end users to help healthcare decision-makers during this global pandemic. NSO does not collect any data for the system, nor does NSO have any access to collected data.”

Coming Events

  • On 13 January, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) will hold its monthly open meeting, and the agency has placed the following items on its tentative agenda “Bureau, Office, and Task Force leaders will summarize the work their teams have done over the last four years in a series of presentations:
    • Panel One. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireless Telecommunications Bureau, International Bureau, Office of Engineering and Technology, and Office of Economics and Analytics.
    • Panel Two. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireline Competition Bureau and the Rural Broadband Auctions Task Force.
    • Panel Three. The Commission will hear presentations from the Media Bureau and the Incentive Auction Task Force.
    • Panel Four. The Commission will hear presentations from the Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau, Enforcement Bureau, and Public Safety and Homeland Security Bureau.
    • Panel Five. The Commission will hear presentations from the Office of Communications Business Opportunities, Office of Managing Director, and Office of General Counsel.
  • On 27 July, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) will hold PrivacyCon 2021.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by Judith Scharnowski from Pixabay

Further Reading, Other Developments, and Coming Events (11 January 2021)

Further Reading

  • Why the Russian hack is so significant, and why it’s close to a worst-case scenario” By Kevin Collier — NBC News. This article quotes experts who paint a very ugly picture for the United States (U.S.) in trying to recover from the Russian Federation’s hack. Firstly, the Russians are very good at what they do and likely built multiple backdoors in systems they would want to ensure they have access to after using SolarWinds’ update system to gain initial entry. Secondly, broadly speaking, at present, U.S. agencies and companies have two very unpalatable options: spend months hunting through their systems for any such backdoors or other issues or rebuild their systems from scratch. The ramifications of this hack will continue to be felt well into the Biden Administration.
  • The storming of Capitol Hill was organized on social media.” By Sheera Frenkel — The New York Times. As the repercussions of the riot and apparently attempted insurrection continue to be felt, one aspect that has received attention and will continue to receive attention is the role social media platforms played. Platforms used predominantly by right wing and extremist groups like Gab and Parler were used extensively to plan and execute the attack. This fact and the ongoing content moderation issues at larger platforms will surely inform the Section 230 and privacy legislation debates expected to occur this year and into the future.
  • Comcast data cap blasted by lawmakers as it expands into 12 more states” By Jon Brodkin — Ars Technica. Comcast has extended to other states its 1.2TB cap on household broadband usage, and lawmakers in Massachusetts have written the company, claiming this will hurt low-income families working and schooling children at home. Comcast claims this affects only a small class of subscribers, so-called “super users.” Such a move always seemed in retrospect as data is now the most valuable commodity.
  • Finnish lawmakers’ emails hacked in suspected espionage incident” By Shannon Vavra — cyberscoop. Another legislature of a democratic nation has been hacked, and given the recent hacks of Norway’s Parliament and Germany’s Bundestag by the Russians, it may well turn out they were behind this hack that “obtain[ed] information either to benefit a foreign state or to harm Finland” according to Finland’s National Bureau of Investigation.
  • Facebook Forced Its Employees To Stop Discussing Trump’s Coup Attempt” By Ryan Mac — BuzzFeed News. Reportedly, Facebook shut down internal dialogue about the misgivings voiced by employees about its response to the lies in President Donald Trump’s video and the platform’s role in creating the conditions that caused Trump supporters to storm the United States (U.S.) Capitol. Internally and externally, Facebook equivocated on whether it would go so far as Twitter in taking down Trump’s video and content.
  • WhatsApp gives users an ultimatum: Share data with Facebook or stop using the app” By Dan Goodin — Ars Technica. Very likely in response to coming changes to the Apple iOS that will allow for greater control of privacy, Facebook is giving WhatsApp users a choice: accept our new terms of service that allows personal data to be shared with and used by Facebook or have your account permanently deleted.
  • Insecure wheels: Police turn to car data to destroy suspects’ alibis” By Olivia Solon — NBC News. Like any other computerized, connected device, cars are increasingly a source law enforcement (and likely intelligence agencies) are using to investigate crimes. If you sync your phone via USB or Bluetooth, most modern cars will access your phone and store all sorts of personal data that can later be accessed. But, other systems in cars can tell investigators where the car was, how heavy it was (i.e. how many people), when doors opened, etc. And, there are not specific federal or state laws in the United States to mandate protection of these data.

Other Developments

  • The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), and the National Security Agency (NSA) issued a joint statement, finally naming the Russian Federation as the likely perpetrator of the massive SolarWinds hack. However, the agencies qualified the language, claiming:
    • This work indicates that an Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) actor, likely Russian in origin, is responsible for most or all of the recently discovered, ongoing cyber compromises of both government and non-governmental networks. At this time, we believe this was, and continues to be, an intelligence gathering effort.
      • Why the language is not more definitive is not clear. Perhaps the agencies are merely exercising caution about whom is blamed for the attack. Perhaps the agencies do not want to anger a White House and President averse to reports of Russian hacking for fear it will be associated with the hacking during the 2016 election that aided the Trump Campaign.
      • However, it is noteworthy the agencies are stating their belief the hacking was related to “intelligence gathering,” suggesting the purpose of the incursions was not to destroy data or launch an attack. Presumably, such an assertion is meant to allays concerns that the Russian Federation intends to attack the United States (U.S.) like it did in Ukraine and Georgia in the last decade.
    • The Cyber Unified Coordination Group (UCG) convened per Presidential Policy Directive (PPD) 41 (which technically is the FBI, CISA, and the ODNI but not the NSA) asserted its belief that
      • of the approximately 18,000 affected public and private sector customers of SolarWinds’ Orion products, a much smaller number has been compromised by follow-on activity on their systems. We have so far identified fewer than 10 U.S. government agencies that fall into this category, and are working to identify the nongovernment entities who also may be impacted.
      • These findings are, of course, preliminary, and there may be incentives for the agencies to be less than forthcoming about what they know of the scope and impact of the hacking.
  • Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chair Ajit Pai has said he will not proceed with a rulemaking to curtail 47 USC 230 (Section 230) in response to a petition the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) filed at the direction of President Donald Trump. Pai remarked “I do not intend to move forward with the notice of proposed rule-making at the FCC” because “in part, because given the results of the election, there’s simply not sufficient time to complete the administrative steps necessary in order to resolve the rule-making.” Pai cautioned Congress and the Biden Administration “to study and deliberate on [reforming Section 230] very seriously,” especially “the immunity provision.”  
    • In October, Pai had announced the FCC would proceed with a notice and comment rulemaking based on the NTIA’s petition asking the agency to start a rulemaking to clarify alleged ambiguities in 47 USC 230 regarding the limits of the liability shield for the content others post online versus the liability protection for “good faith” moderation by the platform itself. The NTIA was acting per direction in an executive order allegedly aiming to correct online censorship. Executive Order 13925, “Preventing Online Censorship” was issued in late May after Twitter factchecked two of President Donald Trump’s Tweets regarding false claims made about mail voting in California in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
  • A House committee released its most recent assessment of federal cybersecurity and information technology (IT) assessment. The House Oversight Committee’s Government Operations Subcommittee released its 11th biannual scorecard under the “Federal Information Technology Acquisition Reform Act (FITARA). The subcommittee stressed this “marks the first time in the Scorecard’s history that all 24 agencies included in the law have received A’s in a single category” and noted it is “the first time that a category will be retired.” Even though this assessment is labeled the FITARA Scorecard, it is actually a compilation of different metrics borne of other pieces of legislation and executive branch programs.
    • Additionally, 19 of the 24 agencies reviewed received A’s on the Data Center Optimization Initiative (DCOI)
    • However, four agencies received F’s on Agency Chief Information Officer (CIO) authority enhancements, measures aiming to fulfill one of the main purposes of FITARA: empowering agency CIOs as a means of controlling and managing better IT acquisition and usage. It has been an ongoing struggle to get agency compliance with the letter and spirit of federal law and directives to do just this.
    • Five agencies got F’s and two agencies got D’s for failing to hit the schedule for transitioning off of the “the expiring Networx, Washington Interagency Telecommunications System (WITS) 3, and Regional Local Service Agreement (LSA) contracts” to the General Services Administration’s $50 billion Enterprise Infrastructure Solutions (EIS). The GSA explained this program in a recent letter:
      • After March 31, 2020, GSA will disconnect agencies, in phases, to meet the September 30, 2022 milestone for 100% completion of transition. The first phase will include agencies that have been “non-responsive” to transition outreach from GSA. Future phases will be based on each agency’s status at that time and the individual circumstances impacting that agency’s transition progress, such as protests or pending contract modifications. The Agency Transition Sponsor will receive a notification before any services are disconnected, and there will be an opportunity for appeal.
  • A bipartisan quartet of United States Senators urged the Trump Administration in a letter to omit language in a trade agreement with the United Kingdom (UK) that mirrors the liability protection in 47 U.S.C. 230 (Section 230). Senators Rob Portman (R-OH), Mark R. Warner (D-VA), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), and Charles E. Grassley (R-IA) argued to U.S. Trade Representative Ambassador Robert Lighthizer that a “safe harbor” like the one provided to technology companies for hosting or moderating third party content is outdated, not needed in a free trade agreement, contrary to the will of both the Congress and UK Parliament, and likely to be changed legislatively in the near future. However, left unsaid in the letter, is the fact that Democrats and Republicans generally do not agree on how precisely to change Section 230. There may be consensus that change is needed, but what that change looks like is still a matter much in dispute.
    • Stakeholders in Congress were upset that the Trump Administration included language modeled on Section 230 in the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the modification of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). For example, House Energy and Commerce Committee Chair Frank Pallone Jr (D-NJ) and then Ranking Member Greg Walden (R-OR) wrote Lighthizer, calling it “inappropriate for the United States to export language mirroring Section 230 while such serious policy discussions are ongoing” in Congress.
  • The Trump White House issued a new United States (U.S.) government strategy for advanced computing to replace the 2019 strategy. The “PIONEERING THE FUTURE ADVANCED COMPUTING ECOSYSTEM: A STRATEGIC PLAN” “envisions a future advanced computing ecosystem that provides the foundation for continuing American leadership in science and engineering, economic competitiveness, and national security.” The Administration asserted:
    • It develops a whole-of-nation approach based on input from government, academia, nonprofits, and industry sectors, and builds on the objectives and recommendations of the 2019 National Strategic Computing Initiative Update: Pioneering the Future of Computing. This strategic plan also identifies agency roles and responsibilities and describes essential operational and coordination structures necessary to support and implement its objectives. The plan outlines the following strategic objectives:
      • Utilize the future advanced computing ecosystem as a strategic resource spanning government, academia, nonprofits, and industry.
      • Establish an innovative, trusted, verified, usable, and sustainable software and data ecosystem.
      • Support foundational, applied, and translational research and development to drive the future of advanced computing and its applications.
      • Expand the diverse, capable, and flexible workforce that is critically needed to build and sustain the advanced computing ecosystem.
  • A federal court threw out a significant portion of a suit Apple brought against a security company, Corellium, that offers technology allowing security researchers to virtualize the iOS in order to undertake research. The United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida summarized the case:
    • On August 15, 2019, Apple filed this lawsuit alleging that Corellium infringed Apple’s copyrights in iOS and circumvented its security measures in violation of the federal Digital Millennium Copyright Act (“DMCA”). Corellium denies that it has violated the DMCA or Apple’s copyrights. Corellium further argues that even if it used Apple’s copyrighted work, such use constitutes “fair use” and, therefore, is legally permissible.
    • The court found “that Corellium’s use of iOS constitutes fair use” but did not for the DMCA claim, thus allowing Apple to proceed with that portion of the suit.
  • The Trump Administration issued a plan on how cloud computing could be marshalled to help federally funded artificial intelligence (AI) research and development (R&D). A select committee made four key recommendations that “should accelerate the use of cloud resources for AI R&D: 1)launch and support pilot projects to identify and explore the advantages and challenges associated with the use of commercial clouds in conducting federally funded AI research; (2) improve education and training opportunities to help researchers better leverage cloud resources for AI R&D; (3) catalog best practices in identity management and single-sign-on strategies to enable more effective use of the variety of commercial cloud resources for AI R&D; and (4) establish and publish best practices for the seamless use of different cloud platforms for AI R&D. Each recommendation, if adopted, should accelerate the use of cloud resources for AI R&D.”

Coming Events

  • On 13 January, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) will hold its monthly open meeting, and the agency has placed the following items on its tentative agenda “Bureau, Office, and Task Force leaders will summarize the work their teams have done over the last four years in a series of presentations:
    • Panel One. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireless Telecommunications Bureau, International Bureau, Office of Engineering and Technology, and Office of Economics and Analytics.
    • Panel Two. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireline Competition Bureau and the Rural Broadband Auctions Task Force.
    • Panel Three. The Commission will hear presentations from the Media Bureau and the Incentive Auction Task Force.
    • Panel Four. The Commission will hear presentations from the Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau, Enforcement Bureau, and Public Safety and Homeland Security Bureau.
    • Panel Five. The Commission will hear presentations from the Office of Communications Business Opportunities, Office of Managing Director, and Office of General Counsel.
  • On 27 July, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) will hold PrivacyCon 2021.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by Gerd Altmann from Pixabay

Further Reading, Other Developments, and Coming Events (5 January 2021)

Further Reading

  • China Used Stolen Data To Expose CIA Operatives In Africa And Europe;” “Beijing Ransacked Data as U.S. Sources Went Dark in China;” “Tech Giants Are Giving China A Vital Edge In Espionage” By Zach Dorfman — Foreign Policy. This terrifying trio of articles lays bare the 180 degree change in espionage advantage the People’s Republic of China (PRC) seems to hold over the United States (U.S.). Hacking, big data, processing, algorithms, and other technological issues play prominent roles in the PRC’s seeming advantage. It remains to be seen how the U.S. responds to the new status quo.
  • Singapore police can access COVID-19 contact tracing data for criminal investigations” By Eileen Yu — ZDNet. During questioning in Singapore’s Parliament, it was revealed the police can use existing authority to access the data on a person’s smartphone collected by the nation’s TraceTogether app. Technically, this would entail a person being asked by the police to upload their data, which is stored on devices and encrypted. Nonetheless, this is the very scenario privacy advocates have been saying is all but inevitable with COVID-19 tracing apps on phones.
  • As Understanding of Russian Hacking Grows, So Does Alarm” By David Sanger, Nicole Perlroth, and Julian Barnes — The New York Times. Like a detonated bomb, the Russian hack of United States (U.S.) public and private systems keeps getting worse in terms of damage and fallout. The scope continues to widen as it may come to pass that thousands of U.S. entities have been compromised in ways that leave them vulnerable to future attacks. Incidentally, the massive hack has tarnished somewhat the triumph of the U.S. intelligence agencies in fending off interference with the 2020 election.
  • Google workers launch unconventional union with help of Communications Workers of America” By Nitasha Tiku — The Washington Post. A new union formed in Google stopped short of seeking certification by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which will block it from collective bargaining. Nonetheless, the new union will collect dues and have a board of directors. This may lead to additional unionizing efforts in union-averse Silicon Valley and throughout the tech world.
  • ‘Break up the groupthink’: Democrats press Biden to diversify his tech picks” By Cristiano Lima — Politico. Key Democratic groups in the House are pushing the Biden team to appoint people of color for key technology positions at agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), Federal Communications Commission (FCC), the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP).

Other Developments

  • The Congress overrode President Donald Trump’s veto of the FY 2021 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), thus enacting the annual defense and national security policy bill, which includes a number of technology provisions that will have effects in the public and private sectors. (See here and here for analysis of these provisions in the “William M. “Mac” Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021” (H.R.6395).
  • A federal court dismissed a lawsuit brought by a civil liberties and privacy advocacy group to stop implementation of President Donald Trump’s executive order aimed at social media companies and their liability protection under 47 USC 230 (aka Section 230). In June, the Center for Democracy and Technology (CDT), filed suit in federal court to block enforcement of the “Executive Order (EO) on Preventing Online Censorship.” However, the United States District Court of the District of Columbia ruled that CDT is not injured by the executive order (EO) and any such lawsuit is premature. The court dismissed the lawsuit for lack of jurisdiction.
    • In its complaint, CDT argued the EO “violates the First Amendment in two fundamental respects:
      • First, the Order is plainly retaliatory: it attacks a private company, Twitter, for exercising its First Amendment right to comment on the President’s statements.
      • Second, and more fundamentally, the Order seeks to curtail and chill the constitutionally protected speech of all online platforms and individuals— by demonstrating the willingness to use government authority to retaliate against those who criticize the government.”
  • The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) reached a settlement with a company that sells emergency travel and medical services for failing “to take reasonable steps to secure sensitive consumer information such as health records,” including having a unsecured cloud database a security researcher stumbled upon with the sensitive data of more than 130,000 people. Moreover, the company claimed a certification of compliance with the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), which turned out to be untrue. In the complaint, the FTC alleged that these and other practices “constitute unfair and/or deceptive acts or practices, in or affecting commerce in violation of Section 5(a) of the Federal Trade Commission Act.” The FTC and the company reached agreement on a consent order that will require the company’s compliance for at least 20 years.
    • In the complaint, the FTC stated that SkyMed “advertises, offers for sale, and sells nationwide a wide array of emergency travel membership plans that cover up to eighteen different emergency travel and medical evacuation services for members who sustain serious illnesses or injuries during travel in certain geographic areas.”
    • The FTC asserted a security researcher discovered SkyMed’s “database, which could be located and accessed by anyone on the internet, contained approximately 130,000 membership records with consumers’ personal information stored in plain text, including information populated in certain fields for names, dates of birth, gender, home addresses, email addresses, phone numbers, membership information and account numbers, and health information.”
    • The FTC noted the company told affected customers that it had investigated and “[t]here was no medical or payment-related information visible and no indication that the information has been misused.” This turns out to be completely false, and the company’s “investigation did not determine that consumers’ health information was neither stored on the cloud database, nor improperly accessed by an unauthorized third party.”
    • The FTC summarized the terms of the consent order and SkyMed’s obligations:
      • Under the proposed settlement, SkyMed is prohibited from misrepresenting how it secures personal data, the circumstances of and response to a data breach, and whether the company has been endorsed by or participates in any government-sponsored privacy or security program. The company also will be required to send a notice to affected consumers detailing the data that was exposed by the data breach.
      • As part of the mandated information security program, the company must identify and document potential internal and external risks and design, implement, and maintain safeguards to protect personal information it collects from those risks. In addition, SkyMed must obtain biennial assessments of its information security program by a third party, which the FTC has authority to approve, to examine the effectiveness of SkyMed’s information security program, identify any gaps or weaknesses, and monitor efforts to address these problems. The settlement also requires a senior SkyMed executive to certify annually that the company is complying with the requirements of the settlement.
  • The European Commission (EC) has communicated its vision for a new cybersecurity strategy to the European Parliament and European Council “to ensure a global and open Internet with strong guardrails to address the risks to the security and fundamental rights and freedoms of people in Europe.” The EC spelled out its dramatic plan to remake how the bloc regulates, invests in, and structures policies around cybersecurity. The EC claimed “[a]s a key component of Shaping Europe’s Digital Future, the Recovery Plan for Europe  and the EU Security Union Strategy, the Strategy will bolster Europe’s collective resilience against cyber threats and help to ensure that all citizens and businesses can fully benefit from trustworthy and reliable services and digital tools.” If the European Union (EU) follows through, this strategy may have significant effects in the EU and around the world. The EC further explained:
    • Following the progress achieved under the previous strategies, it contains concrete proposals for deploying three principal instruments –regulatory, investment and policy instruments – to address three areas of EU action – (1) resilience, technological sovereignty and leadership, (2) building operational capacity to prevent, deter and respond, and (3) advancing a global and open cyberspace. The EU is committed to supporting this strategy through an unprecedented level of investment in the EU’s digital transition over the next seven years – potentially quadrupling previous levels – as part of new technological and industrial policies and the recovery agenda
    • Cybersecurity must be integrated into all these digital investments, particularly key technologies like Artificial Intelligence (AI), encryption and quantum computing, using incentives, obligations and benchmarks. This can stimulate the growth of the European cybersecurity industry and provide the certainty needed to ease the phasing out of legacy systems. The European Defence Fund (EDF) will support European cyber defence solutions, as part of the European defence technological and industrial base. Cybersecurity is included in external financial instruments to support our partners, notably the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument. Preventing the misuse of technologies, protecting critical infrastructure and ensuring the integrity of supply chains also enables the EU’s adherence to the UN norms, rules and principles of responsible state behavior.
    • With respect to actions that might be taken, the EC stated that “[t]he EU should ensure:
      • Adoption of revised NIS Directive;
      • Regulatory measures for an Internet of Secure Things
      • Through the CCCN investment in cybersecurity (notably through the Digital Europe Programme, Horizon Europe and recovery facility) to reach up to €4.5 billion in public and private investments over 2021-2027;
      • An EU network of AI-enabled Security Operation Centres and an ultra-secure communication infrastructure harnessing quantum technologies;
      • Widespread adoption of cybersecurity technologies through dedicated support to SMEs under the Digital Innovation Hubs;
      • Development of an EU DNS resolver service as a safe and open alternative for EU citizens, businesses and public administration to access the Internet; and
      • Completion of the implementation of the 5G Toolbox by the second quarter of 2021
      • Complete the European cybersecurity crisis management framework and determine the process, milestones and timeline for establishing the Joint Cyber Unit;
      •  Continue implementation of cybercrime agenda under the Security Union Strategy;
      • Encourage and facilitate the establishment of a Member States’ cyber intelligence working group residing within the EU INTCEN;
      • Advance the EU’s cyber deterrence posture to prevent, discourage, deter and respond to malicious cyber activities;
      • Review the Cyber Defence Policy Framework;
      • Facilitate the development of an EU “Military Vision and Strategy on Cyberspace as a Domain of Operations” for CSDP military missions and operations;
      • Support synergies between civil, defence and space industries; and
      • Reinforce cybersecurity of critical space infrastructures under the Space Programme.
      • Define a set of objectives in international standardisation processes, and promote these at international level;
      • Advance international security and stability in cyberspace, notably through the proposal by the EU and its Member States for a Programme of Action to Advance Responsible State Behaviour in Cyberspace (PoA) in the United Nations;
      • Offer practical guidance on the application of human rights and fundamental freedoms in cyberspace;
      • Better protect children against child sexual abuse and exploitation, as well as a Strategy on the Rights of the Child;
      • Strengthen and promote the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime, including through the work on the Second Additional Protocol to the Budapest Convention;
      • Expand EU cyber dialogue with third countries, regional and international organisations, including through an informal EU Cyber Diplomacy Network;
      • Reinforce the exchanges with the multi-stakeholder community, notably by regular and structured exchanges with the private sector, academia and civil society; and
      • Propose an EU External Cyber Capacity Building Agenda and an EU Cyber Capacity Building Board.
  • The U.S.-China  Economic  and  Security  Review  Commission released its annual report on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) per its “mandate “to monitor, investigate, and report to Congress on the national security implications of the bilateral trade and economic relationship between the United States and the People’s Republic of China.” The Commission argued:
    • Left unchecked, the PRC will continue building a new global order anathema to the interests and values that have underpinned unprecedented economic growth and stability among nations in the post-Cold War era. The past 20 years are littered with the Chinese  Communist  Party’s (CCP) broken promises. In China’s intended new order, there is little reason to believe CCP promises of “win-win” solutions, mutual respect, and peaceful coexistence. A clear understanding of the CCP’s adversarial national security and economic ambitions is essential as U.S. and allied leaders develop the policies and programs that will define the conditions of global freedom and shape our future.
    • The Commission made ten “Key Recommendations:”
      • Congress adopt the principle of reciprocity as foundational in all legislation bearing on U.S.-China relations.
      • Congress expand the authority of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to monitor and take foreign government subsidies into account in premerger notification processes.
      • Congress direct the U.S. Department of State to produce an annual report detailing China’s actions in the United Nations and its subordinate agencies that subvert the principles and purposes of the United Nations
      • Congress hold hearings to consider the creation of an interagency executive Committee on Technical Standards that would be responsible for coordinating U.S. government policy and priorities on international standards.
      • Congress consider establishing a “Manhattan Project”-like effort to ensure that the American public has access to safe and secure supplies of critical lifesaving and life-sustaining drugs and medical equipment, and to ensure that these supplies are available from domestic sources or, where necessary, trusted allies.
      • Congress enact legislation establishing a China Economic Data Coordination Center (CEDCC) at the Bureau of Economic Analysis at the U.S. Department of Commerce.
      • Congress direct the Administration, when sanctioning an entity in the People’s Republic of China for actions contrary to the economic and national security interests of the United States or for violations of human rights, to also sanction the parent entity.
      • Congress consider enacting legislation to make the Director of the American Institute in Taiwan a presidential nomination subject to the advice and consent of the United States Senate.
      • Congress amend the Immigration and Nationality Act to clarify that association with a foreign government’s technology transfer programs may be considered grounds to deny a nonimmigrant visa if the foreign government in question is deemed a strategic competitor of the United States, or if the applicant has engaged in violations of U.S. laws relating to espionage, sabotage, or export controls.
      • Congress direct the Administration to identify and remove barriers to receiving United States visas for Hong Kong residents attempting to exit Hong Kong for fear of political persecution.
  • The Electronic Privacy Information Center, the Center for Digital Democracy, the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood, the Parent Coalition for Student Privacy, and Consumer Federation of America asked the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) “to recommend specific changes to the proposed Consent Order to safeguard the privacy interests of Zoom users” in their comments submitted regarding the FTC’s settlement with Zoom. In November, the FTC split along party lines to approve a settlement with Zoom to resolve allegations that the video messaging platform violated the FTC Act’s ban on unfair and deceptive practices in commerce. Zoom agreed to a consent order mandating a new information security program, third party assessment, prompt reporting of covered incidents and other requirements over a period of 20 years. The two Democratic Commissioners voted against the settlement and dissented because they argued it did not punish the abundant wrongdoing and will not dissuade future offenders. Commissioners Rohit Chopra and Rebecca Kelly Slaughter dissented for a variety of reasons that may be summed up: the FTC let Zoom off with a slap on the wrist. Kelly Slaughter focused on the majority’s choice to ignore the privacy implications of Zoom’s misdeeds, especially by not including any requirements that Zoom improve its faulty privacy practices.
    • The groups “recommend that the FTC modify the proposed Consent Order and require Zoom to(1) implement a comprehensive privacy program; (2) obtain regular independent privacy assessments and make those assessments available to the public; (3) provide meaningful redress for victims of Zoom’s unfair and deceptive trade practices; and (4) ensure the adequate protection and limits on the collection of children’s data.”

Coming Events

  • On 13 January, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) will hold its monthly open meeting, and the agency has placed the following items on its tentative agenda “Bureau, Office, and Task Force leaders will summarize the work their teams have done over the last four years in a series of presentations:
    • Panel One. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireless Telecommunications Bureau, International Bureau, Office of Engineering and Technology, and Office of Economics and Analytics.
    • Panel Two. The Commission will hear presentations from the Wireline Competition Bureau and the Rural Broadband Auctions Task Force.
    • Panel Three. The Commission will hear presentations from the Media Bureau and the Incentive Auction Task Force.
    • Panel Four. The Commission will hear presentations from the Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau, Enforcement Bureau, and Public Safety and Homeland Security Bureau.
    • Panel Five. The Commission will hear presentations from the Office of Communications Business Opportunities, Office of Managing Director, and Office of General Counsel.
  • On 27 July, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) will hold PrivacyCon 2021.

© Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog and michaelkans.blog, 2019-2021. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this site’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Michael Kans, Michael Kans Blog, and michaelkans.blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.

Image by Free-Photos from Pixabay